Chapter 6 - Conclusion

In the previous five chapters we have tried to discuss matters related to elephants based on the two selected texts and have also used all available epigraphic data collected through a process of homogenous random sampling. We have addressed issues like availability of elephants in specific geographical contexts, their natural abodes, capturing techniques, other texts related to elephants and elephants and ivory as a trading commodity. Mātaṅgalīlā and Hastyāyurveda are the prime texts under consideration and we have attempted a critical appraisal of these two texts.

Our analysis reveals that the text on elephant sport i.e. Mātaṅgalīlā mainly focuses on:

-) Capturing elephants

-) Basic and specific information on elephants

-) Detailed knowledge on elephant abodes and availability

The knowledge on capturing techniques of this animal was codified mainly from a commercial perspective. Catching elephants for ivory, using them in wars and battlefield, for domestication, for use of them in travel and transport, for using them in medicinal cures prescribed for humans and so on. The knowledge on their abode and geographical knowledge in turn helped in capturing them and also post captivity preparation of their abodes.

Techniques of capturing elephants which have been discussed at length in the previous chapters also has several direct and indirect implications. The selection of a specific technique for capturing elephants depended on its purpose and the utility post captivity. For example if the elephants were to be captured for use in warfare then the pit capture will never be recommended as that may cause damage to the physical health of the animal, moreover it was not recommended in the text as well. This technique was mainly used by poachers and those with selfish commercial motives of acquiring ivory. Such captures lacked compassion and humanitarian angle and were least bothered for the physical damage caused to the elephants in the process. It is interesting to note that the medical texts on elephants prescribe treatment for those injured in the process of pit captures. Though this technique was prohibited in the texts yet was a very common practice in early India.

Royal initiatives for capturing of elephants were organised quite often and those captured were mainly kept in royal stables and abodes created for fresh captures. Some hasti vanas were also created as and when required and they were provided shelter in such semi natural abodes. Individual elephants or some elephants were also domesticated for their ivory. In such cases ivory was extracted by regular cutting of the tusk annually. Besides this elephants were also domesticated for medicinal purposes. Milk of elephant and curd made from its milk is recommended as a cure for some human diseases. Such requirement would also have generated the need for its domestication. Especially for the use of elephants as mode of transport they would have been domesticated and also trained. Special care would have been taken in such cases to ensure safe and hassle free long distance journeys. Some of them were also used for religious purposes especially for ritual activities in temples and some would have been trained for royal entertainment. Elephants were also given as prestigious gifts on special occasion.

Hastyāyurveda was a medical text mainly written for veterinary practitioners, also as an all comprehensive text for students of veterinary science, the knowledge of this text was probably necessary for those in-charge of stables as they were concerned about the good health of the animals in their abode, though in such cases the appointment of a hasti vaidya or a veterinary physician is more likely. The knowledge of this text would also have benefitted the elephant commanders and chiefs and also trainers. Though it was for an educated class but its oral transmission would have allowed its usage by all concerned in partial or in full.

Our critical appraisal reflects that around 3^rd century BCE veterinary science had developed as a specific genre as Aśoka in his records clearly mentions that he has arranged for the treatment of men and animals. Thus an organised system of medicine and treatment was already present in 3^rd century BCE. But what is significant here is to assess why such a text was created and dedicated solely to the treatment of elephants?

Here we have suggested a few reasons which would have led to the development of this stream of medicine and led to its popularity.

-) Probably there was a demand for Hastivaidyas in the society and hence the discipline flourished and more and more students would have taken to attain expertise in this science.

-) Elephant tusk was in great demand and hence the knowledge of acquiring tusks in whole and in portion was considered necessary. Expertise of cutting of tusks was to be acquired to save the animal for dying while cutting of its tusk.

-) Keeping them healthy for long distance travel was another specific need which would have given birth to the text.

-) Medical texts were also concerned about those who were injured in the process of capture. Texts also describe the treatment as discussed above.

-) Elephants especially she-elephants were also used for capturing male elephants thus it was imperative to keep these trained she elephants in good health and humour.

-) For medicinal cures for human beings milk of she elephants was used. In such cases as well it was necessary to keep them in good health.

-) Those in royal stables were also required to be kept fit as their ill health would affect the ambiance of the stable.

-) Treatment of animals in the hastivana would also have been a state concern

All the above reasons together were important for the creation of a medical literature on elephant.

What evolves through a thorough study of these two texts is that the compilation of the knowledge on elephants began sometime in the early historic phase and eventually texts were composed. These texts were orally transmitted from one generation to the other following the trend in the early historic times. What is interesting is that why such texts on elephants are found in multiples whereas texts on other veterinary sciences for example on cattle or horses are not so numerous or relatively less in number. One of the factors is definitely the use of elephants in warfare but in that case horses too formed an important part of the cavalry in the contingent. But horse was regarded as an animal of foreign origin (as compared to elephant which was purely indigenous) and hence the texts on their care and medical treatment were not composed locally or were not indigenous one.

Hastyāyurveda is the first systematic text on veterinary science on elephants. But before the composition of this text, veterinary science, as a discipline had already emerged as in the 3^rd century BCE we find Aśoka arranging for the treatment of men and animals. Diseases of elephants and their treatment indicate how important these animals were in early times. These texts have not been used for historical analysis. Myths and metaphors have been dealt for the first time. Use of elephant as a motif or symbol on coins will now be taken into consideration in this concluding chapter. Elephants first occur on the punch marked coins from Magadha. Magadha was famous for elephants and it is interesting to note that according to a recent study by Basu Majumdar the elephant motif on the punch marked coins have a numeric value and she takes it as one. Two other areas which used the animal figure as motif are Kosalā or so called South Kosala i.e. Chhattisgarh and Western Odisha and the Sātavāhanas who ruled in Deccan also used elephant motif throughout. In case of Kosalā the motif occurs on the obverse and was continuously used for four centuries if not more (c. 1^st century BCE-c. 3^rd4^th century CE).^[1]

Elephants and natural resources are considered as one of the most important reasons for the rise of Magadha so much so that on the cast coins issued by the Mauryas we find elephant on the obverse. On the architrave of the Lomashrishi cave at Barabar rows of elephants are depicted pushing pillars. Elephants definitely played an important role in the process of transportation. The importance of the animal is reflected in the act that the first systematic text on veterinary science is on elephants.

Kauṭilya mentions that victory of a king in battle depends on elephants mainly (Book 2, Chapter 2, v. 13)^[2]. So it is quite natural that in early India there must have been some administrative measures taken by the state. According to Kauṭilya it is king’s duty to inspect elephants, horses, chariots and troops (Book 1, Chapter 19, v. 15).^[3] Elephants trainers were allotted lands or were granted lands by village headmen (Book 2, Chapter 1, v. 7), but the right to sale or mortgage this granted/ donated land was not permitted.^[4] The headman was incharge of the work carried on in the elephant-forests along with other sections of the working committee (Book 2, Chapter 1, v. 19).^[5] According to Kauṭilya it was the king’s duty to protect the existing elephant-forests and along with this he should also establish new elephant-forests (Book 2, Chapter 2, v. 39).^[6] He is further instructed to take non-agricultural lands and transfer them into animal-park for the king’s recreation with all kind of protections. He was to decide where to keep the male, female and cub elephants for hunting (Book 2, Chapter 2, v. 3).^[7] Kauṭilya speaks of many kinds of forests those should be established by the head on the borders (partyante) of the kingdom. Amongst them elephant-forest is worth mentioning. This kind of elephant-forest should be guarded by foresters (aṭavyārakṣam). Nāgavanādhyakṣa or the superintendent of elephant-forests who was different from the Hastyādhyakṣa, he was ordered to protect the elephant-forests whether in the pārvata (mountain), along a nādeya (river), sārasa (lakes) or in ānūpa (marshy land) with its boundaries, entrances and exits completely known, with the help of guards of the elephantforest. The killing of this animal was strictly prohibited, and the head was ordered to kill anyone who slays an elephant. Thus every step to rearing elephants in the Mauryan supremacy shows a clear picture of state interference.

Catching of elephants, judging their marks, sizes were under the administrative supervision. Even there was the system of maintaining written record of every elephant, whether moving in herd, moving alone, lost from a herd, leader of a herd and also of the wild, intoxicated cub or released from captivity.^[8] Discussing the lay-out of the fortified city Kauṭilya indicates that paths for elephants should be in width two daṇḍas (Book 2, Chapter 4, v. 5).^[9] The head of the fortified city should station elephants, horses, chariots and infantry-men constructed force under more than one chief. Because a force under more than one chief cannot fall a prey to enemy instigations, through mutual fear (Book 2, Chapter 4, v. 29-30).^[10] According to Kauṭilya fields for beasts, deer-parks, forests for produce and elephant forests constituted “forest” (Book 2, Chapter 6, v. 6)^[11] which was the head of income of the state through revenue collected from it. And on the other hand the corpus of the expenditure of the state was constituted by maintenance of elephants, enclosures of beasts, stores of grasses etc. (Book 2, Chapter 6, v. 11).^[12] Kauṭilya states about one armour of fabrics and combinations of skin, hooves and horns of dolphin, rhinoceros, dhenuka, elephant and bull, and one kind of shield namely Hastikarṇa (Book 2, Chapter 18, v. 12, 16, 17),^[13] accoutrements such as objects used in giving training to elephants (Book 2, Chapter 18, v. 18) were to be maintained by Master of armoury.^[14] The Superintendent of Pasture land should ensure the livelihood of those in produce forests and elephant forests and secure the road cess, protection against robbers, escort of caravans, protection of cattle and trade (Book 2, Chapter 34, v. 12).^[15]

For encroaching on a road of elephants the fine was fifty four paṇas (Book 3, Chapter 10, v. 4).^[16] Arthaśāstra speaks about physical injury of small and large animal and their fines. For physical injury of small animals with woods and other things, the fine was one or two paṇas, it became double in case of bleeding. And for the exact offences relating big animals, this fine would be double and on top of it the offender has to bear the expenses for treatment and cure (Book 3, Chapter 19, v. 26-27).^[17] This fine thus also included the offence of causing physical injury to elephants. For cheating with ivory-cubes the punishment was the cutting off of one hand or a fine of four hundred (Book 4, Chapter 10, v. 9).^[18] The collection of emergency tax in Mauryan realm was a well-known custom. One half of ivory and a tax of fifty on dealers of elephants had been ascertained (Book 5, Chapter 2, v. 14, 17).^[19] But in case of elephant-forests a contradiction can be noticed because Kauṭilya prohibited emergency taxes on it along with other important regions (Book 5, Chapter 2, v. 3).^[20]

Kauṭilya indicates in clear terms about the salary of the state servants. The commandants of elephants (hastyaścarathamukhyāḥ) were given eight thousand paṇas to make them able to carry their groups with them. The Superintendents of elephants (hastyadhyakṣā), guardians of elephant forests (hastivanapālāśca/ hastivanapāla) were given four thousand paṇas, the elephant trainer (term) and the breeders of animals (yonipoṣaka) (if it considered in case of elephants) were given two thousand paṇas (Book 5, Chapter 3, v. 9, 11-12).^[21] To assure a secret conduct in emergency period, for the ministers who were somehow in danger with other vassals, the treatise unregulated the custom of non-killing of elephants and ordered the minister to bring the enemy under control under the excuse of an occasion of conducting an elephant hunt (hastibandhana) (Book 5, Chapter 6, v. 10).^[22]

Kauṭilya mentions that when a king surrenders or gets shelter from suzerain king, he should help him in catching of elephants (Book 7, Chapter 15, v. 22).^[23]

Describing the foreign policies Kauṭilya says:

“Of them, he should follow that policy by resorting to which he may be able to see, “By resorting to this, I shall be able to promote my own undertakings concerning forts, water-works, trade-routes, settling on waste land, mines, materials forests, and elephant forests, and injure these undertakings of the enemy” (Book 7, Chapter 1, v. 20).^[24]

List of Early Indian coins bearing elephant on them:

1. Imperial Punch Marked Coins bearing elephant as the fifth symbol

2. Vidisha 1^st century BCE–Bhumidatra, Nayapati, Dāmabhadra.

3. Malhar coins 1^st century BCE-4^th century CE, dumpy, crude, conventional, stylized

4. Satavāhana–1^st century CE–3^rd century CE universal type

5. Hāthi dynasty–Chitradurga (Hastivaṃśa) names of the rulers ending in Hāthi

6. Cera coins elephant capture scene. Colas and Pāṇḍyas 7. Cast EUCC^[25] –elephant: three peaked hill with crescent.

Foreign coins depicting elephant:

8. Alexander 10 drachm

9 Demetrius I-elephant scalp–symbol of conquest of India.

10. Apollodotus I–170-160 BCE.

11. Azes II–Elephant: Bull

12. Local coins of Kausambi 13. Local Coins of Ayodhya

10 Local coins of Vidisha

11 Yaudheya coins–Elephant: Bull

12 Coins from Taxila–fore part of the elephant

13 Coins of the Audumbaras. Type Śiva-elephant. Śiva elephant linkage.

14 Coins of the Vṛṣṇis–composite standard on one side elephant head and on the other fore part of a lion: cakra. [western kṣatrapa continued?] beginning of the Gajaśārdula motif?

15 Kuṣāṇa coins of Huviṣka (Copper) King riding on elephant

16 Elephant goad / noose as an attribute of Ardakṣo

17 Sātavāhana–Human: Elephant, tree in railing and three peaked hill with crescent.

18 Sātavāhana coins from Navasa

19 Sātavāhana coins from Paithan

20 Sātavāhana coins from Kotlingala

21 Gupta coins

22 Kalacuri coins–Gaja-śārdula. Aṣṭādaśa ari kari kumbha vibhagasiṃha.

Medical value of elephant products have been indicated by Śusruta in his Saṃhitā. It speaks that milk of she-elephant (kareṇūnāṃ) with the essence of the juice of many plants and curd, ghee manufactured from it are very beneficial for all living beings.

The milk of she-elephant tastes sweet, slightly astringent, heavy, aphrodisiac, unctuous, cold and it stimulates firmness, vision and strength–

“hastinyā madhuraṃ vṛṣyaṃ kaṣāyānurasaṃ guru /
snigdhaṃ sthairyakaraṃ śītaṃ cakṣuṣyaṃ balavardhanam //”^[26]

The curd of she-elephant’s milk is light and easy to digest, besides this it is kapha-pacifying, uṣṇa-vīrya, improves digestive power, and has astringent as subsidiary taste and increases faeces–

“laghu pāke balāsadhnaṃ vīryoṣṇaṃ pattkināśam /
kaṣāyānurasaṃ nāgyā dadhi varcovivardhanam //”^[27]

And the ghee of she-elephant obstructs elimination of faeces and urine, is bitter, appetiser, light and alleviates kapha, kuṣṭha, poison and worm–

“kṣāyaṃ baddhaviṇmūtraṃ tiktamagnikaraṃ laghu //
hanti kāreṇavaṃ sarpiḥ kaphakuṣṭhaviṣakrimīn //”^[28]

Suśruta also says that urine of elephants which taste slightly bitter, salty, sharp, purgative, vāta-alleviating and pitta-aggravating is beneficial in alkali and vitiligo.^[29] Meat of elephants is uṣṇavīrya and tastes sweet, sour and salty, causes roughness, reduces fat, aggravates pitta, pacifies kapha and vāta.^[30] Thus we can perceive how elephants were used for various medicinal cures for human beings. The above discussion also helps us to imagine a nexus between the collectors, preservers and manufacturers who not only captured, preserved and used this animal but it also helps one to assess the amount of investigations and researches in the medical genre which led to the creation of such notions of cure among the indigenous people. The people dealing with the elephants definitely engaged themselves in the process of securing these and further selling of these goods in the market on demand. Several products and by products were created out of these, these also would have led to the creation of unique professions in socio-economic genre which was not confined to the physicians and medicine men alone.

We have seen the presence of elephants in the religious scenario not only as vāhana of lord Indra (six tusked white elephant) and Viśvakarmā but also as Airāvata, in the Buddhist pantheon as the six-tusked elephant in the Jātakas named Chaddanta. Image of the Sapta mātrikā goddess Indrānī who is shown with an elephant as her vāhana and is associated with child birth. On a pedestal of the goddess from Sannati, Karnataka one can see the goddess Indrānī depicted like a Śākta deity with kapāla in her hand and in the vedikā one can see a standing elephant and a lady lying on the ground giving birth to a child. Indrānī is well known as a goddess of fertility and hence she represented as taking care of the child birth. Such a sculpture from Sannati can be cited here.^[31]

After a thorough study of the texts and knowledge of elephants in early India we come to conclusion regarding the varied usage and utility of the animal and also the by-products. This has been shown in the form of two separate tables below:

[Table 1: Usage and utility of elephants]

Usage	Utility
War elephants	Army and warfare
Transport purpose	Both man and commodities
Tamed she-elephants	Capturing and taming other elephants
Temple elephants	Religious parades and purposes
Fortune symbol	Gifts etc.
Trade and commerce	As commodity
Circumambulatory she-elephant	To determine the boundary of the donated or gifted land

[Table 2: By-products of elephants also play important part in their usage and utility]

By-products	Usage	Utility
Rut	Making of special kind of ink	Writing purposes
Ivory	Commodity	Trade and commerce and arts, sculptures, architectures
Elephant milk, curd, ghee etc.	Medical purposes	Making of different kind of medicines

Concluding Remarks:

The present work thus brings to light several unknown facts about elephants and their utility in a civilized society–we have analysed different genres of textual date mainly on elephants and what comes forth is that texts were composed not by those involved directly with the practical dealings i.e. elephant riders, catchers, trainers and so on but the target audience and readers also included them. The texts were created mainly for the royal army, keepers of stables and also other experts who handled elephants. Elephants were a source of fortune, their use in trade prompted the royalty to patronise the composition and creation of such texts. The more the number of elephants, the more prosperity and strength of the army. Hence every ruler wanted to make them captive and domesticate them according to their requirement and usage. Hence the need to have a proper data and texts on their availability, abodes, upkeep and care was imperative and from this demand the texts were created. Once the elephants were captured having a veterinary doctor crew was equally important. To treat the injured ones in the battle fields as well their necessity was felt. But more important was to have a proper hasti vaidya while the royal contingent was enrooted as a long distance travel. The texts also provide us information how veterinary doctors in and around the place of campaign and journey were to help the caravan or the royal retinue. Our study also reflects the practical angle of the use and position of the animal in varied social groups and condition. This data has been culled from epigraphic sources. The myths and metaphors related to elephants have been studied for the first time in the present research. Gajaśāstra also has been used in detail for the first time in this present thesis. Trade in elephants and ivory has also been addressed from different angle altogether in our doctoral research. The depiction of elephants on coins reflects their availability, importance and usage in these specific regions where it was issued or used. Sifting through a wide gamut of sources of different types has allowed us unravel several new facts about the association of early India with elephant and the science of elephantology.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

Susmita Basu Majumdar, Local Coins of Ancient India, a new series, Coins of Malhar, Anjaneri: IIRNS, 2000.

[2]:

R.P. Kangle. tr. The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra, Part II, Bombay: University of Bombay, 1963, p. 68.

[3]:

Ibid., p. 52.

[4]:

Ibid., p. 63.

[5]:

Ibid., p. 64.

[6]:

Ibid., p. 67.

[7]:

Ibid.

[8]:

R.P. Kangle. tr. The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra, Part II, p.68.

[9]:

Ibid., p. 78.

[10]:

Ibid., p. 82.

[11]:

Ibid., p. 88.

[12]:

Ibid., pp. 88-89.

[13]:

Ibid., p. 152.

[14]:

Ibid., pp. 152-153.

[15]:

R.P. Kangle. tr. The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra, Part II, p. 209.

[16]:

Ibid., p. 257.

[17]:

Ibid., p. 290.

[18]:

Ibid., p. 326.

[19]:

Ibid., pp. 344-345.

[20]:

Ibid., p. 343.

[21]:

Ibid., pp. 350-351.

[22]:

Ibid., p. 360.

[23]:

Ibid., p. 429.

[24]:

R.P. Kangle. tr. The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra, Part II, p. 373.

[25]:

EUCC–Early Uninscribed Cast Copper Coins.

[26]:

P.V. Sharma. ed. & tr. Suśruta-Saṃhitā, Vol.1 (Sūtrasthāna), Varanasi: Chaukhambha Visvabharati, 2013, p. 428.

[27]:

Ibid., p. 431.

[28]:

Ibid., p. 437.

[29]:

Ibid., p. 461.

[30]:

Ibid., p. 484.

[31]:

Susmita Basu Majumdar. The Mauryas in Karnataka, Kolkata: Mahabodhi Book Agency, 2016, pp. 22-25.