Current Topics

Current Topics ¹

THE IDEAL OF "RAMA RAJYAM"

Mr. George Joseph's eloquent "Critique of Rama Rajyam" raises several far-reaching issues. Among other things, it is a plea for the rejection of the current notions regarding truth and non-violence as factors in the up-building of Swaraj India, and for the acceptance of armed warfare and secret diplomacy as inevitable conditions of growth in the world or today. Mr. Joseph's views are shared by a powerful section of our countrymen to whom the gospel of non-violence savours of medievalism. It is curious to notice that, just at a time when the ultra-modern nations of the West are war-weary and yearning for saner substitutes for war, the compatriots of Gandhiji fail to perceive the efficacy and the essential nobleness of the new technique in revolution inaugurated by him. If China and Japan, Turkey and Afghanistan felt compelled to assimilate the destructive methods of the West, it does not follow that India should deny herself the privilege of forging a new weapon and writing a new chapter in world-history. To Gandhiji, the winning of Swaraj for India by non-violent means is but an incident in the spiritual Ascent of Man. An earlier one was the sheathing of Asoka's victorious sword after the carnage of the Kalinga war, when the great Emperor resolved that the sound of the war-drum (bheri-ghosha) should give place to that of the Law of Piety (Dharma-ghosha). Great ideas have a way of persisting through the ages, and the Gandhian epoch may witness the fulfillment of the vision of Asoka. Apart from idealism, the South African struggle leading to the Gandhi-Smuts agreement, and the Satyagraha movement of last year ending in the Gandhi-Irwin pact, have demonstrated that large masses of unarmed men and women can bend the mightiest of armed Powers to their will. The teachings of Tolstoy, the disillusionment wrought by the Great War, the work of the League of Nations, the strivings of Gandhiji–all point to the emergence of a new era in international relations. In the family, the community, the nation, and in still wider spheres, love is an infinitely more potent force than hate. It is this truth that is stressed by Prof. Einstein in his latest message to Gandhiji: "Your example will inspire and help humanity to put an end to a conflict based on violence, with international help and co-operation guaranteeing peace to the world."

Whether, under Swaraj, India will maintain a standing army and militia for purposes of defence; whether she will employ Science and machinery to the extent needed for her economic development; whether her civilisation will be predominantly rural or urban–these and allied problems may be left to the decision of her statesmen and seers. But we desire to question whether higher and yet higher standards of life, production on a larger and yet larger scale, and the unending hurry and bustle of modern life constitute an unmixed good. The acceptance of the age-old conception of plain living and high thinking, and the diversion of human energy from the futile conflicts of a competitive civilization into more fruitful channels for the attainment of the common weal, are likely to usher in a nobler order of society.

A word about Khaddar. It is cruel to speak of ‘sweating’ by the All-India Spinners' Association. Time and again, Gandhiji has pointed out that hand-spinning is meant to serve as a subsidiary occupation for the millions of agriculturists who are forced to be idle for several months in the year, and for the women and children who prefer work in close proximity to their homes instead of the hard and demoralising toil of crowded factories in far-off places.

"Rama Rajyam" is not only valid as an ideal, but capable of translation into practice in the immediate present, for "Rama Rajyam" is the realm of equal opportunities for all. The weak shall not be suppressed nor the strong triumph by reason of their brute-strength. Not isolation, but active co-operation with all other lands, will mark the age that is dawning.

THE R. T. C.

The communal wrangles at the Conference are most unseemly. Nearly every community and interest claims separate electorates, reservation of seats, weightage, and guarantees in the future Constitution. The most preposterous suggestions are made about the tyranny of the Hindu majority. Persons who are mere nobodies at home suddenly shoot up as eminent leaders and ‘representatives’ of powerful communities. Thus, the main constitutional issue–the transference of power to an Indian Federal Government–is relegated to the ground. According to the communalists, it cannot even be discussed without the rights of the Minorities being safeguarded in advance. The British General Election and the disposition of British parties have further complicated the situation. Valuable time is being wasted, and occasionally Gandhiji threatens to return home unless the Government explain their attitude.

To those of us who have been looking forward to a peaceful settlement, the situation is fraught with the utmost anxiety. "The Sun of Freedom will melt the icebergs of communal differences," says Gandhiji; but these very icebergs are blocking the free flow of the life-giving waters of Swaraj–to vary the metaphor. If every Indian Province and State is cut up into a number of groups, fostering communal as against regional patriotism, even the best-laid plans of constitutional advance must prove futile. The worst aspect of the situation is the refusal of the Muslim delegates to refer the question to arbitration. The vicious circle has got to be broken through, somewhere and somehow. The attitude of the Britisher has visibly stiffened after the recent communal talks. This at least ought to put the Indian delegations on their guard. If everyone will but agree to abide by the decision of Sir Pheroze Sethna, H. H. the Aga Khan and Gandhiji, the darkness may yet be dispelled. It is small comfort to be assured by Sir Samuel Hoare that the Government have very virtuously chosen not to torpedo the Conference. The mere continuance of the Conference will yield no results. A united Indian demand for political power is the immediate need.

THE MAHARAJAH OF TRAVANCORE

Students of Rajput history are familiar with the expression ‘Ekling-ka-Dewan,’ as applied to the Maharana of Udaipur. The State belongs to the Deity, and this most august of Hindu Princes is just His agent. The same charming conception is enshrined in one of the titles of the Rulers of Travancore in the far South. Since the days of the great Martanda Varma, the Heads of the Royal House have always borne the appellation of ‘Sri Padmanabha Dasa,’ ‘the servant of the Lord Padmanabha.’ Very soon, the young Maharajah, Sri Chittirai Tirunal, will be invested with ruling powers. Great hopes are entertained about the future career of His Highness, whose education–literary and administrative—has been supervised with the utmost care. With its splendid natural resources and its industrious and well-educated population, Travancore must play a great part in All-India politics. In Indore, Jodhpur, Travancore, and other States, young Rulers hold sway, who may be trusted to take a progressive view and distinguish themselves as leading statesmen of the Indian Federation. We convey our respectful felicitations to His Highness and pray for a long and prosperous reign.

"THE ORIENT"

Our esteemed friend, Mr. H. D. Sethna of Bombay, is editing a beautiful journal–‘The Orient.’ These are trying times for all literary ventures, and even well-established journals are finding it extremely difficult to keep themselves afloat. But Mr. Sethna is endowed with courage. Within the first few months, ‘The Orient’ has attained a high standard of artistic and literary excellence. It is published six times a year like ‘Triveni,’ and–let us here make a confession–with much more regularity. A bi-monthly is midway between a monthly and a quarterly, in point of time as well as in the nature of its contents. Editors of bi-monthly journals have more leisure than editors of monthlies–provided they are not worried about proofs, printer's bills and defaulting subscribers–and it is possible to select with greater care and publish articles of lasting value. The quarterlies nearly always devoted to research: they fail to interest the general reader. Journals like ‘The Orient’ and ‘Triveni’ may succeed in bringing the bi-monthly into fashion. For this reason, no less than for its intrinsic beauty and worth, we welcome ‘The Orient.’

1 23rd October.