Current Topics

Current Topics ¹

THE SECOND R.T.C.

In its session at Karachi, the Indian National Congress ratified the Gandhi-Irwin pact and expressed confidence in Gandhiji and the Working Committee. Congress participation in the second Round Table Conference is a great step forward on the path of peace and of reconciliation between India and England. Gandhiji is to be the sole representative of the Congress–so the Working Committee has decreed–for, the Congress is of one mind as regards the presentation of the nation's view-point, and the leader of a non-violent revolution is believed to be also the best fitted to negotiate peace. Gandhiji will be assisted by a group of secretaries, but, in open conference, his will be the only voice heard on behalf of India's leading political organisation. Dissatisfaction is being expressed in some quarters that he is likely to elevate himself to the position of an independent negotiator, dealing direct with the Premier and the Cabinet and eclipsing those that played a prominent part at the first conference. But this is inevitable. Much valuable work was no doubt done by the committees of the conference, but it is the accession of Gandhiji and the Congress that vitalises the entire body and invests it with the character of a Peace Conference.

But before Gandhiji proceeds to London, one important problem has to be solved. The Hindu-Muslim disputes are disquieting. The earnest endeavours of Nationalist Muslims to bring their community into line with the progressive tendencies of the time have not yet borne fruit. But they have at least proved that the case presented at London by their co-religionists was one-sided and did not, by any means, voice advanced Muslim opinion. H.H. the Nawab of Bhopal, Chancellor of the Chamber of Princes, convened a small conference of the leading exponents of opposing schools of thought amongst the Indian Muslims, and, though no final conclusions have been reached, it is gratifying to note that a spirit of harmony and good will prevailed at the conference. The conversations, we learn, are to be resumed early in June. Gandhiji has said repeatedly that, without the Hindu-Muslim question being settled, no useful purpose will be served by his attending the London Conference. But his preoccupation with the Borsad affair has made it impossible for him to give more time and attention to this all important subject. Between the months of June and September, the energies of the leaders of all communities must be concentrated on this question, so that, when the London Conference meets, there may be no repetition of the unedifying scenes of the previous conference, in respect of communal squabbles. Gandhiji insists that the majority community ought to make ample concessions in order to win the confidence of the minorities and secure their willing co-operation in the immediate work of framing an agreed constitution for Swaraj India. It is infinitely better that concessions should be made voluntarily and on Indian soil, rather than, that they should be imposed on us by an outsider in London at the fag-end of the conference.

THE STATES’ SUBJECTS

The position of the subjects of the Indian States in Federal India is another pressing problem. The Congress has given its adhesion to the principle of federation with the States, because under the new dispensation, the artificial distinction between the two Indias ought not to be kept up. The Congress claims to represent the whole of India and, as Gandhiji pointed out, its very silence and restraint in the past give it the right to press the case of the States' subjects. Some of the Princes are great patriots. They come into the Federation to help evolve an United India, and not merely to rid themselves of the ugly incubus of the Foreign Department of the Government of India. But they are unwilling to admit that their subjects are as vitally interested as themselves in the framing of the future constitution. Except in Mysore, Travancore, Bikaner and a few other States, there are not even the vestiges of representative government; and how will a Federation function successfully where some of the federating units are under personal rule and the rest under popular government? The demand of the States’ subjects is not for immediate responsible government in all the States, but for an immediate acceptance of that principle and for certain steps to be taken in that direction. They demand also the right of federal citizenship, and the safeguarding of personal and property rights. But, all along, the position of the people of the States has been regarded as a purely internal affair. They were denied representation at the first R. T.C., and their case had to be put forward, unofficially, by some of the delegates from British India. It is but fair that, at this stage, some of the acknowledged spokesmen of the States' people, like Sir M. Visvesvarayya, should be invited to the second R.T.C.

It is interesting to notice that Mr. D. V. Gundappa of Bangalore suggests the promulgation of a Royal Rescript advising the Princes to introduce responsible government into their States. We are not concerned with the modus operandi. If a Royal Rescript is more soothing to the Princes than a resolution of the States' People's Conference or a clause in the new Act of Parliament, nobody need object to the procedure. But the enunciation of federal citizenship and all that it involves, and the formal acceptance of the principle of responsible government for the States, will prevent future complications and divert the energies of the people of the States from avoidable agitation to the work of constructive statesmanship in the spacious times ahead.

‘THEATRE’

It is altogether in the fitness of things that a journal devoted to the Drama and other Fine Arts should take its birth in the Mysore State–that sole remnant of the great Empire of Vijayanagar. Happily removed from the rush and turmoil of modern life, and under the fostering care of a cultured Prince, Mysore, provides excellent opportunities for the development of the graces of a refined life. The Bangalore Amateur Dramatic Association, which has for some years been publishing a bright Kannada Monthly –the Rangabhumi–has now come forward with an English Quarterly. Once in a way, a great opportunity offers itself to one that is entirely worthy of it. In this instance, Mr. V. Bhaskaran, the Editor, has justified the choice of the Association. With a person of cultivated taste and purposive enthusiasm at the helm, the ‘Theatre’ cannot help becoming a thing of beauty. A galaxy of distinguished writers has lent it support, and judging from the first number, ‘Theatre’ bids fair to be India's premier journal in its special sphere. ‘Triveni's’ affectionate greetings to ‘Theatre.’

THE POET'S MESSAGE

We offer our respectful homage to Shri Rabindranath Tagore on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. ‘Gurudev’–as he is reverently addressed by those that have the privilege of personal contact with him–is the herald of the Indian Renaissance, and its loftiest figure as well. Wherever Poetry is honoured and the ‘things that are more excellent’ are deemed to have an abiding value, the name of Rabindranath is cherished. Poet not of Bengal or of India merely, he has regained for the Orient its old-time leadership in the realm of the Spirit. In his quiet ‘Abode of Peace’ he has gathered round himself a loving family of teachers and students–a revival, in the modern age, of the forest retreats of Bharadwaj and Vasishtha. To the nations struggling feverishly for supremacy, he brings a message of sympathy and co-operation for higher ends.

To the outside world, Gandhi and Tagore are almost like twin-names, and when India is mentioned, the figures of the loin clad saint of Sabarmati and the philosopher-poet of Santiniketan inevitably present themselves to the mind's eye. It is futile seek to compare them and adjudge prizes as in a gladiatorial contest. The Spirit of Modern India is incarnate in them both: the poetry and music of Rabindranath are not less important in the evolution of a New India than the suffering and asceticism of Gandhi. Devotees like Mr. C. F. Andrews see no necessary conflict between the ideals represented by the saint and the singer. One is but complementary to the other.

But there is one expression in the Poet's birthday message which is likely to be seized upon by critics and interpreted as a sign of his hostility to Indian Nationalism. It is not by waving the flag or by contributing your quota of yarn, says the Poet, that Swaraj will be won, but by whole-hearted service of the masses. What the Poet evidently means is that the service of the masses is not exhausted by the spinning of yarn. It is a protest against the mood of self-righteousness that sometimes overtakes the advocates of the Charka, and an appeal to them to look beyond the problem of food and raiment, for, a great nation does not live by these alone.

Such a position is doubtless correct, though stated by the Poet with needless vehemence. It must be recognised that, when the war-mind is dominant, some things that are merely accidental are apt to be taken for the fundamentals. Men are willing to discount the value of poetry, music and art, and equate all culture and progress to the revolutions of the spinning-wheel. It is the danger of perpetuating the war-mind—the carrying over into the times of peace the slogans of the battle-field. There is, unfortunately, a widespread tendency to prefer the ugly to the beautiful, the boisterous to the sweet, the fleeting to the permanent in human allies. The Poet's message is in the nature of a timely warning. We hope it will be heard above the din of warfare.

The birthday has been celebrated allover India. The Poet has received congratulations from distant lands. We shall rejoice to see the inauguration of a movement to strengthen the great institution so dear to the Poet.

1 15thMay.