Translator’s Introduction

Suggestions for the Reader

The following translator’s introduction may be of interest to the academic reader who wishes to understand the details of the translation and lineage history of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra thoroughly. The introduction by Khenpo Chöga is presented from the viewpoint of a highly trained scholar of the Nyingma tradition and establishes the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra within the context of the study and practice of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Tsoknyi Rinpoche approaches the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from the perspective of a well-known and accomplished meditation master, explaining how to use the text for personal meditation practice.

Khenpo Kunpal’s written commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra and Khenpo Chöga’s explanation of the commentary will be most appreciated by serious scholars and practitioners pursuing extensive and in-depth study of this text.

About this Book

The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is without doubt one of the most significant works in Mahāyāna Buddhist literature. Written entirely in verse, the text is a remarkable piece of didactic Sanskrit poetry,^[1] extolling the bodhisattva ideal and guiding a Buddhist practitioner along the complete Mahāyāna path, culminating in the attainment of enlightenment. The text is generally thought to have been written in the 8th century at the Buddhist university of Nālandā^[2] by the Indian master and monk Śāntideva. The text soon acquired great popularity, and a rich tradition of commentarial writing on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra developed. This, however, ended with the decline of Buddhism in India.

As part of establishing Indian Buddhism in Tibet, an enormous project of translating Buddhist texts was carried out by Tibetan translators assisted by Indian paṇḍitas, yogin-scholars. Of the many texts that were translated into Tibetan, the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra rapidly gained a prominent position. Many Tibetan explanation lineages^[3] of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra came into existence then and have been preserved in Buddhist monasteries and shedras^[4] up to the present day. All the main schools of Tibetan Buddhism—Nyingma, Kagyü, Sakya, the Old Kadampa, and the New Kadampa School, also known as the Gelukpa School—maintained their own explanation lineages of this revered text.

This work focuses on the explanation lineage of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra according to the Nyingma School as taught by the East Tibetan master Paltrül Rinpoche Orgyen Jigme Chökyi Wangpo^[5] (1808-1887). Paltrül Rinpoche, one of the greatest Nyingma scholars and practitioners of the 19th century, is reputed to have taught the entire text more than one hundred times during his life. Although he was a prolific writer, he left us no written commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. However, the Nyingma interpretation he gave orally was preserved in writing by a few of his main students,^[6] especially Khenpo Kunpal^[7] (1862-1943), who studied for many years with Paltrül Rinpoche and wrote a comprehensive commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.

Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary is entitled,

“A Word-by-Word Commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, called Drops of Nectar, according to the Personal Statement of the Mañjughoṣa-like Teacher.”^[8]

This commentary, specifically designed for practitioners of Buddhist meditation, has gained wide acceptance among followers of the Nyingma School and is highly respected by the Sakya and Kagyü Schools as well. Even now, Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary is studied and practiced in Buddhist monasteries, universities, and dharma centers throughout the world.

In this volume, we present the first chapter of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra together with Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary, both in transliteration and translation. Khenpo Kunpal’s teachings are based on Paltrül Rinpoche’s oral lineage. At present, Paltrül Rinpoche’s explanation lineage of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is taught and maintained at many monasteries in East Tibet, particularly at Śrī Siṃha Shedra of Dzogchen Monastery. We have added to Khenpo Kunpal’s written commentary the oral explanations given by a modern scholar from that shedra, Dzogchen Khenpo Chöga.^[9] Following the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), Khenpo Chöga studied with qualified masters and began teaching in the late 1980s at Śrī Siṃha Shedra. Throughout his commentary, Khenpo Chöga, in keeping with traditional Tibetan Buddhist didacticism, often reiterates key points, a method designed to reinforce the text’s crucial messages in the mind of the student. We felt it important to retain this element of repetition in order to present the total work in the manner of a classical oral commentary.

The reader will notice throughout the book repeated references to Dzogchen teachings. Dzogchen teaches a direct approach to buddha nature, the primordial enlightened essence common to all sentient beings. Dzogchen teachings were brought to Tibet by Padmasambhava, Vimalamitra, and Vairocana in the 9th century and are considered the most profound teachings of the Nyingma School.

This present commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra by Khenpo Kunpal is suitable for all readers who are interested in studying a classical presentation of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Because of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra’s importance in the Buddhist world, we have translated this commentary to make it available to the non-Tibetan reader, thus introducing a small part of Tibet’s rich oral and written explanation lineages on this text. We suggest that the reader moves between Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary and Khenpo Chöga’s explanation of the commentary. Since each section of Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary is numbered, reference to Khenpo Chöga’s explanation of the text section bearing the same number is easy.

To save newer students of the Tibetan language from having to contend with formidable Tibetan dictionaries, we have provided a Tibetan-English glossary that contains the entire vocabulary of both the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra and Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary. Each entry in the glossary is cross-referenced by the section number where it appears in the transliterated Tibetan text so that each term may be seen in context.

Gender-biased Language

The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was written in the 8th century at the Buddhist university of Nālandā by the Indian master and monk Śāntideva. The students and teachers at Nālandā were exclusively male scholars and monks. Male lay people were allowed to study at the university. Female visitors, including nuns, were permitted entry only into certain public areas of the monastery and only during certain limited hours. The language of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, therefore, was exclusively designed to address a male audience.

When this text was brought to Tibet, Buddhist scholasticism remained the exclusive domain of male scholars and monks. The Tibetan commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, therefore, were also written by men for a male audience.

Given the cultural context of the time, the difficulty of travel, and Tibet’s geographical isolation, the lineage of vows for fully-ordained nuns, for bhikṣuni,^[10] was never transplanted in Tibet. Consequently, a system of institutionalized monastic scholasticism for women did not develop.^[11] For this reason, Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary often uses the specific phrase ’sons of the sugatas’,^[12] which cannot correctly be translated as ’children of the sugatas’ or ‘sons and daughters of the sugatas’, although that meaning is implied.

However, bodhicitta—the mind of awakening—is absolutely not gender-biased. Thus, there is no difference between a male and a female bodhisattva or between the sons [sras po] and the daughters [sras mo] of the sugatas. Once bodhicitta is generated in one’s mind, one becomes a child of the sugatas. As Khenpo Kunpal notes in text section 222, where he discusses bodhicitta’s transformative quality, once precious bodhicitta has taken birth in one’s mind, ‘regardless of whether one has a male or female body, whether one is old or young, of good or bad family,’^[13] one becomes a bodhisattva.

Paltrül Rinpoche himself was instrumental in transmitting this text to large audiences of lay people, both women and men, thus greatly contributing to the wide dissemination of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra’s explanation lineage.

Authorship of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

Authorship of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is traditionally ascribed to the renowned Indian master Santideva,^[14] who is generally believed to have lived in the first half of the 8th century, although no definitive historical verification according to modern academic standards can be found at present.^[15]

Various legends about Santideva’s life story have circulated over the centuries. It is said that Śāntideva was born as the son of King Kalyāṇavarman of Saurāṣṭra. At some point he beheld a vision of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, renounced his kingdom, and entered the monastic university of Nālandā, where he received ordination as a monk from the abbot Jayadeva who gave him the name Śāntideva. Śāntideva was extremely secretive about his learning and realization, behaving outwardly like an ignorant and lazy fool. At one point he was on the brink of expulsion from Nālandā due to his behavior, which his peers deemed inappropriate. Forced to give a public recital of the scriptures on the assumption that he would instead leave Nālandā out of embarrassment, he shocked the scholars and monks by expounding one of his own compositions, the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. Legend has it that during his recital, the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī appeared in the sky and, as the entire audience watched, Mañjuśrī and Śāntideva together rose into the sky and disappeared. Thus, Mahāyāna Buddhists view Śāntideva as a siddha—an accomplished being—as well as an outstanding scholar.

The earliest known biographical data on Śāntideva is given by Vibhūticandra^[16] in the 13th century. This Indian Sanskrit scholar came to Tibet in 1204 as part of the entourage of the famous Kashmiri paṇḍita Sakyasribhadra (1127-1225) and wrote a commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, which contains a short biography of Śāntideva.

Another important early biographical account of Śāntideva is found in a 14th century Nepalese manuscript fragment in Newari script. It was edited by Haraprasad Sastri^[17] and is very similar to Vibhūticandra’s Tibetan account of Śāntideva’s biography. Both texts—the Nepalese manuscript and Vibhūticandra’s biography of Śāntideva—were analyzed by J.W. De Jong, who concluded that they were based on a common but no longer extant source.^[18]

Variations on the basic themes of Śāntideva’s life can be found in the writings of Butön Rinchen Drup^[19] (1290-1364), Sazang Mati Panchen Jamyang Lodro^[20] (1294-1376), Sönam Gyaltsen Pal Zangpo^[21] (1312-1374), Möndrub Sherab,^[22] Pawo Tsuglak Trengwa^[23] (1504-1566), Tāranātha^[24] (1575-1634), Sumpa Khenpo Yeshe Paljor^[25] (1704-1788), Tsechok Ling Yongdzin Yeshe Gyaltsen^[26] (1713-1793), Khenpo Kunpal (1862-1943), Khetsün Zangpo,^[27] and others.

The Structure of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra delineates and illuminates the motivation of bodhicitta^[28] and the application of the six transcendental perfections.^[29] Śāntideva, in a beautiful and poetic manner, gathers together all the essential points of the entire bodhisattva path from the vast extent of the sūtras and their commentaries. Thus, his composition has become the classic textbook^[30] of Mahāyāna Buddhism. The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra shows the beginner how to enter the path, develop bodhicitta, receive the bodhisattva precepts, and train in the six transcendental perfections of generosity, discipline, patience, diligence, meditation, and knowledge.^[31] The canonical version has ten chapters bearing the following titles:

1. Explaining the benefits of bodhicitta^[32]
2. Confessing negativity^[33]
3. Thorough adoption of bodhicitta^[34]
4. Teaching on heedfulness^[35]
5. Maintaining introspection^[36]
6. Teaching patience^[37]
7. Teaching diligence^[38]
8. Teaching concentration^[39]
9. Transcendental knowledge^[40]
10. Dedication^[41]

According to Kṛṣṇapāda^[42] and Butön,^[43] the first three and the tenth chapters elucidate the transcendental perfection of generosity, chapters four and five expound the transcendental perfection of discipline, and chapters six through nine deal with the four remaining transcendental perfections.

The Two Translation Periods and the Tibetan Canon

In general, Buddhist texts were translated from Sanskrit and other languages into the Tibetan language during two great translation periods referred to as the ‘Early Translation Period’ and the ‘Later Translation Period’.^[44]

All texts translated between the 7th and 9th centuries, under the royal patronage of the three kings, Songtsen Gampo (618-641),^[45] Trisong Detsen (756-797),^[46] and Tri Ralpachen (815-838),^[47] belong to the ‘Early Translation Period’. All texts that were translated after the 10th century by Rinchen Zangpo^[48] (958-1055) and others are considered to belong to the ‘Later Translation Period’.

The followers of the explanation and practice lineages of the Early Translation Period are known as the Nyingmapas, or ‘Old School’.^[49] The followers of the explanation and practice lineages of the Later Translation Period are known as the ‘New Schools’^[50] and include the Sakya, Kagyü, and Old and New Kadampa Schools.

Most of the sūtras, tantras, and commentaries were translated during the Early Translation Period. At the time of Tri Ralpachen these translations were then revised,^[51] and new translations were made according to the rules laid down in a translation guide known as the ‘Second Tome on Grammatical Composition’,^[52] and also using the newly standardized vocabulary laid down in the glossary known as the Mahāvyutpatti.^[53]

During the four-year reign of the anti-Buddhist king, Langdarma, who came to power around 838,^[54] the lavish royal patronage upon which translators and monasteries had relied since the middle of the 8th century ended due to his suppression of Buddhism, and the work of translation came to a halt.^[55] Translation of Buddhist texts resumed again in the early 11th century in what became the second great period of translation known as the Later Translation Period. The pivotal work of the great translator Rinchen Zangpo (958-1055) marks the beginning of this period.

During and after this renaissance, the compilation of a canon came to the fore. Great scholars, such as the Sakya masters Drakpa Gyaltsen^[56] (1147-1216), Chögyal Phakpa^[57] (1235-1280), and Butön Rinchen Drup^[58] (1290-1364), made attempts to compile the great variety of extant Tibetan translations.

The translated sūtras, tantras, and commentaries were compiled in two great collections known as the Kangyur^[59] and the Tangyur.^[60] All the sūtras and tantras regarded as having been taught directly by the Buddha were collected in the Kangyur, the ‘translated words of the Buddha’, and all the commentaries and treatises on the sūtras and tantras written by great Indian masters were collected in the Tangyur, the ‘translated commentaries on the words of the Buddha’.

Research has shown the absence of a standardized canon of texts of the Kangyur and Tangyur, and, therefore, scholars speak of multiple Kangyurs and Tangyurs. Furthermore, editions of individual texts have been transmitted through different Kangyurs and Tangyurs, as in the Peking, Lithang or Narthang editions,^[61] making it very difficult to trace the recension history of these texts.

Since the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is a Buddhist treatise from India, it is therefore found, together with its Indian commentaries, in the Tangyur^[62] rather than in the Kangyur. The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra and its Indian commentaries are located in the section known as ‘sūtra commentaries’ within the sub-section known as ‘madhyamaka’.^[63]

Tibetan scholars make references to the existence of more than 100 Sanskrit commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, most of which have been lost over the centuries. However, since the time of Butön, who established his Tangyur compilation at Zhalu monastery in 1334,^[64] ten Sanskrit commentaries have been preserved in their Tibetan translations in the Tangyur. Of the ten, the only single complete commentary still in existence in the Sanskrit language is the Bodhi-caryāvatāra-pañjikā,^[65] written by the Indian scholar Prajñākaramati.^[66] A fragmentary, anonymous Sanskrit commentary on the Bodhicaryāvatarā from Nepal has not yet been analyzed and published.^[67] The numerous commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra written by Tibetan scholars were not included in the Tangyur but were published separately.^[68]

History of the Translation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

According to tradition, Śāntideva wrote the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra in Sanskrit in the 8th century. As the popularity of this text in India was said to be extremely high, one would expect to find many extant Sanskrit manuscripts. However, only a few survived the decline of Buddhism in India.

A Sanskrit version of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was first edited in 1889 by the Russian scholar P. Minaev.^[69] Later, in 1904, Louis de la Vallée Poussin^[70] used Minaev’s critical edition plus two additional manuscripts and established what is now known as the ‘current Sanskrit version’ of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.^[71] So far, no details of the ‘current Sanskrit version’ of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra,^[72] such as the age, the exact place of origin, etc., are known. In this regard, the Tibetan translations of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra provide much more detailed information. First, the Tibetan versions can be dated very accurately, and second, they are to date the oldest known versions.

Important information about the translation history of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra can be gathered from the colophons of each translation written by the translators themselves. Each colophon identifies the main translators as well as the Indian and/or Nepalese scholars who assisted the translators in their work. Later colophons repeat and incorporate the previous colophons, giving us information regarding the details of each stage of the translation. The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was translated three times from Indian manuscripts into Tibetan over a period of almost 300 years.

The first translation: In the early 9th century the famed Tibetan translator Kawa Paltsek,^[73] assisted by the Indian scholar Sarvajñādeva, first translated the text from Sanskrit into Tibetan. The colophon of the first translation as rendered in the colophon of the third translation says:^[74]

The Indian scholar Sarvajñādeva and the monk Paltsek, translator and chief editor, (translated), edited and finalized (this text) based on editions from Kashmir.^[75]

The earliest reference to Kawa Paltsek’s translation is found in a Tibetan source, the lDan dkar ma Catalogue,^[76] most likely compiled in 824,^[77] and is the terminus ante quem for the first Tibetan translation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.

This catalogue refers to Kawa Paltsek’s translation as

“the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, comprising 600 stanzas and two bampo.”^[78]

This translation was lost for centuries and rediscovered at the beginning of the 20th century. Kawa Paltsek’s Sanskrit source is unknown to us.

The second translation: About 150 years later, the Indian scholar Dharmaśrībhadra and the two Tibetan translators, Rinchen Zangpo (958-1055) and Śākya Lodro (dates unknown), corrected and re-translated the text using Sanskrit editions and commentaries from the ‘Central Land’.^[79] Up to now, neither Rinchen Zangpo’s translation nor the Sanskrit source have been found, so we must rely on the colophon of the third translation for details:

Later, the Indian scholar Dharmasribhadra, the monk Rinchen Zangpo who was translator and chief editor, and Sakya Lodro corrected, retranslated, and finalized (this text) in accordance with editions and commentaries from the Central Land.^[80]

The third translation: Subsequently, about 100 years later, the Indian (or Nepalese) scholar Sumatikīrti^[81] and the translator Ngok Loden Sherab (1059-1109) prepared a third translation. Its colophon reads:

Again, at a later time, the Indian scholar Sumatikirti and the monk Loden Sherab, translator and chief editor, corrected, re-translated, and finalized (this text) in an excellent manner.^[82]

Tibetan scholars regard the third translation as the definitive version. It has ten chapters and 913 stanzas. Present-day scholars are still unsure whether or not Ngok Loden Sherab’s version^[83] is based on ‘the current Sanskrit version’. The differences between these two versions are delineated by Vesna and Allan Wallace in their translation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from the Sanskrit version:^[84]

As becomes apparent throughout the text, contrary to popular assumption, the recension incorporated into the Tibetan canon is significantly different from the Sanskrit version edited by Louis de la Valleé Poussin and P.L. Vaidya. This would seem to refute the contention of Crosby and Skilton that the canonical Tibetan translation by Blo ldan shes rab was based on the Sanskrit version available to us today.

When the great Tibetan scholar Butön (1290-1364) was working on his commentary to the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, he wrote in the colophon that he was unsatisfied with his copy of the third translation by Ngok Loden Sherab because he had discovered numerous discrepancies between the translation, the Sanskrit text, and commentaries that were available to him. Despite his attempts, Butön reports that he was not able to find a satisfactory edition of Ngok Loden Sherab’s translation. He says:

It appears that there are a number of discrepancies with the Sanskrit text and commentaries. I have made efforts to search for a reliable copy of Ngok’s translation, which, however, could not be obtained.^[85]

To give credence to the ten-chapter version of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra and to lessen the importance of Kawa Paltsek’s translation and its Indian commentaries,^[86] Butön wrote a supportive passage in his version of the legend of Śāntideva:^[87]

Those (paṇḍitas) who had attained perfect recall,^[88] when presenting what they could remember, came up with 700 stanzas, 1000 stanzas, and more than 1000 stanzas. This led to doubt… He (Śāntideva) said, ‘The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra complete with 1000 stanzas is the (correct) one.’

That Śāntideva supported the ten-chapter version was thenceforth copied by all later commentators of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. Butön may have invented this part of the legend as it appears neither in Vibhūticandra’s Tibetan version nor in the Sanskrit fragment edited by Haraprasad Sastri, but there is no further proof of this. Following Butön’s version, Khenpo Kunpal writes in text section 80:

The paṇḍitas from Kashmir produced a compilation of 700 stanzas in nine chapters, and the ones from the Central Land produced a compilation of 1000 stanzas in ten chapters. Their lack of agreement led to doubts.

And further, see text section 83:

When they reported the state of affairs to him (Śāntideva), he said,

“The length of the text corresponds to the compilation of the ones from the Central Land.”

We know that the translator of the second translation, Rinchen Zangpo, still had access to Kawa Paltsek’s translation. Furthermore, the translator of the third translation, Ngok Loden Sherab, had access to Rinchen Zangpo’s translation. Each later translator stated that he had corrected and improved upon the previous translation.

Tibetan scholars made no effort to preserve Kawa Paltsek’s and Rinchen Zangpo’s translations, perhaps because they regarded the third translation as the authoritative version. All Tibetan commentaries are based on Ngok Loden Sherab’s translation, which later became the only canonical version.

However, in the beginning of the 20th century, non-Tibetan scholars learned of the existence of unidentified fragments of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra discovered in the hidden library in Tun-huang. Four manuscript fragments^[89] of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra were acquired separately during several expeditions to Tun-huang, an oasis in the Kansu-Sinkiang desert, by two rival explorers: the Hungarian-British archaeologist and geographer, Sir Mark Aurel Stein,^[90] and the French Sinologist, Paul Pelliot.^[91]

The Japanese scholar, Akira Saito,^[92] identified these four Tun-huang fragments of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra as four separate copies of Kawa Paltsek’s translation, which together allow reconstruction of the entire text. Saito compared the Kawa Paltsek translation with the current version of Ngok Loden Sherab’s translation and discovered enormous differences between the two:

1) The number of chapters. While Ngok Loden Sherab’s translation has ten chapters, Kawa Paltsek’s has nine, the second and third chapters being combined into one.

2) The number and order of stanzas. Akira Saito counted 701.5 stanzas in Kawa Paltsek’s translation^[93] and 913 stanzas in Loden Sherab’s.

3) The name of the author. Kawa Paltsek’s colophon^[94] mentions Akṣayamati^[95] as the author of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra instead of Śāntideva. Saito suggests that Akṣayamati is an epithet for Śāntideva.

4) Saito concludes that the texts are based on two different Sanskrit manuscripts. We can deduce from the different translations that at least two, if not three, different Sanskrit versions of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra were in circulation during the different translation stages.

We conclude that the Tibetan scholars considered the longer version to be the authentic one, since five out of ten translations of Sanskrit commentaries incorporated in the Tangyur are based on a ten-chapter version. For these five commentaries, four are extensive: Peking No. 5273 by Prajñākaramati, Peking No. 5275 by Kalyāṇadeva, Peking No. 5277 by Vairocanarakṣita, and Peking 5282 by Vibhūticandra. These four extensive commentaries were all written by famous Indian scholars, and their translations are frequently quoted by Tibetan scholars. Also Peking No. 5276, a brief commentary written by the famous Indian master Kṛṣṇapāda, is frequently quoted by Tibetan scholars. Peking No. 5280 and Peking No. 5281 are short metrical synopses of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra brought to Tibet and translated by Atiśa (982-1054); they were written by his teacher Suvarṇadvīpa.^[96]

Saito discovered that three of these ten commentaries are based on the same Sanskrit manuscript that Kawa Paltsek used for his translation. These are Peking No. 5274, anonymous author and translator; Peking No. 5278, translated by Paṇḍita Minyam Khölpo^[97] and Loden Sherab^[98] (1059-1109); and Peking No. 5279, anonymous author and translator. Peking No. 5279, a commentary exclusively on the chapter about transcendental knowledge, is identical with the eighth chapter of Peking No. 5274.^[99] These three commentaries are ignored by Tibetan scholars in their commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. However, non-Tibetan scholars such as Saito, Crosby, and Skilton consider the Kawa Paltsek translation to be “closer to the original (Sanskrit) composition.”^[100]

The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was also translated into the Chinese and Mongolian languages. It was translated from Sanskrit into Chinese^[101] by T’ien Hsi-tsai (Devaśānti from Kashmir?) between 980 and 1001. This Chinese translation has 782 stanzas in eight chapters.^[102] Chapters four and five, as found in the current Sanskrit edition, are missing, and this translation identifies Nāgārjuna as its author. In 1305 a Mongolian translation was made from Tibetan texts by Chökyi Özer.^[103]

 

In 1892 parts of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra were translated for the first time into French by Louis de La Vallée Poussin. In 1909 L. D. Barnett published a partial English version, followed again in 1920 by Louis Finot’s French rendering. Then, in 1923 Richard Schmidt provided a German translation of the text. These four pioneering works, all of which derive from Sanskrit originals, led to the publication of many Western-language translations, based both on Sanskrit and Tibetan texts.^[104]

Indian Commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

The Tangyur^[105] contains ten translations of Indian commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.^[106] Butön organized his Tangyur based on the old Narthang edition,^[107] circa 1334 in Zhalu.^[108] Butön compiled a catalogue to the Tangyur^[109] one year later in which he incorporated all ten Indian commentaries. What follows is a list of these important commentaries for the interested student of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.^[110] Note that except for the commentary written by Prajñākaramati, all of their Sanskrit versions are lost.

1.

sher ’byung bka’ ‘grel: byang chub kyi spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i bka’ ‘grel; skr. Bodhicaryāvatāra-pañjikā; written in Sanskrit by the Indian scholar Prajñākaramati^[111] (950-1030), translated by Marpa Chökyi Wangchuk^[112] (1012-1096) and Darma Drakpa,^[113] revised by Yönten Gyamtso,^[114] Peking No. 5273, vol. 100.

No commentary is given to the tenth chapter. This text is the only complete known commentary that still exists in Sanskrit^[115] and is considered by Tibetan scholars to be the most important among the ten Indian commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra preserved in the Tangyur. The author, Prajñākaramati, lived during the 11th century^[116] and was one of the Six Paṇḍitas of the Gates^[117] of Vikramaśīla.

2.

rnam bshad bka’ ‘grel: byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i rnam par bshad pa’i bka’ ‘grel; skr. bodhisattva-caryāvatāra-vivṛtti-pañjikā; author anonymous, Peking No. 5274, vol. 100. Saito identified this text as a commentary to the Sanskrit version of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra that was also used by Kawa Paltsek. The whole text follows the outline of Kawa Paltsek’s text as found in the Tun-huang version and is structured into nine chapters, the second and third chapters being fused into one. While all nine chapters are examined fully, the last chapter on dedication is dealt with only briefly. Saito edited the eighth chapter, the chapter on transcendental knowledge,^[118] and compared it with the almost identical version of the spyod ‘jug rnam bshad, Peking No. 5279.^[119]

3.

spyod ‘jug legs sbyar: byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i legs par sbyar ba; skr. bodhisattva-caryāvatāra-saṃskāra; written by Kalyāṇadeva, Peking No. 5275, vol. 100. This is a commentary on all ten chapters.

4.

kṛṣṇa dka’ gnas: byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i rtogs par dka’ ba’i gnas gtan la dbab pa’i gzhung; skr. bodhisattva-caryāvatāra-duravabodhanirṇaya-nāma-grantha; written in Sanskrit by the Indian scholar Kṛṣṇapāda,^[120] translated from Sanskrit into Tibetan by Kṛṣṇapāda and the translator Chökyi Drakpa,^[121] Peking No. 5276, vol. 100. This short commentary discusses difficult points of the text.

5.

vai ro bka’ ‘grel: byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i bka’ ‘grel; skr. bodhisattva-caryāvatāra-pañjikā; written by Vairocanarakṣita, Peking No. 5277, vol. 100. Vairocanarakṣita was a great scholar from Vikramaśīla and lived in the middle of the 11th century. The author deals with all ten chapters of the text.

6.

sher le’u bka’ ‘grel: shes rab le’u’i bka’ ‘grel; skr. prajñā-pariccheda-pañjikā; author anonymous, Peking No. 5278, vol. 100. This text was translated by Paṇḍita Minyam Khölpo^[122] and the translator-monk Loden Sherab^[123] according to a request made by Litön Dorje Gyaltsen.^[124] Saito identified this text as a commentary to the Sanskrit version of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra that was also used by Kawa Paltsek. This commentary deals only with the chapter on transcendental knowledge.

7.

spyod ‘jug rnam bshad: byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i rnam par bshad pa; skr. bodhisattva-caryāvatāra-vivṛtti; author anonymous, Peking No. 5279, vol. 100. This commentary, also based on the Sanskrit version of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra used by Kawa Paltsek, known to us from the Tun-huang version, deals exclusively with the chapter on transcendental knowledge. Akira Saito critically editied this text and compared with the almost identical version of chapter eight of the rnam bshad bka’ ‘grel, Peking No. 5274.^[125]

8.

spyod ‘jug don sum cu rtsa drug: byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i don sum cu rtsa drug bsdus pa; skr. bodhisattva-caryāvatāra-ṣaṭtriṃśat-piṇḍārtha; written by Dharmapāla, the master from Suvarṇadvīpa,^[126] Peking No. 5280, vol. 100. This text was requested by Kamalarakṣita and Dīpaṃkara (Atiśa 982-1054) and was translated into Tibetan by Paṇḍita Dīpaṃkara (Atiśa) and the translator Tsültrim Gyalwa.^[127] As a metrical synopsis of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, it condenses the entire text into 36 main points [don sum cu rtsa drug bsdus pa].

9.

spyod ‘jug don bsdus pa: byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i don bsdus pa; skr. bodhisattva-caryāvatāra-piṇḍārtha; written by Dharmapāla, the master from Suvarṇadvīpa, Peking No. 5281, vol. 100. Translated into Tibetan by the Indian scholar Dīpaṃkara (Atiśa) and the Tibetan translator Tsültrim Gyalwa,^[128] this is a short metrical synopsis of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra that condenses the entire text into eleven main points.^[129]

10.

vibhūti dgongs ‘grel: byang chub kyi spyod pa la ‘jug pa’i dgongs pa’i ‘grel pa khyad par gsal byed ces bya ba; skr. bodhicaryāvatāra-tātparyapañjikāviśeṣadyotanī-nāma; written in Sanskrit and translated into Tibetan by the Indian scholar Vibhūticandra (11th century) from Jagantala Monastery in East India, Peking No. 5282, vol. 100. This commentary deals with all ten chapters of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.

Important Tibetan Commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

Many great masters and scholars of Tibet wrote commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, and many of these commentaries were and still are used in monastic universities in Tibet, India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, and Ladak. A selection of some of the more famous commentators follows:

• Sönam Tsemo^[130] (1142-1182),
• Lhopa Kunkhyen Rinchen Pal,^[131]
• Ngülchu Thogme Zangpo^[132] (1295-1369),
• Butön Rinchen Drup^[133] (1290-1364),
• Lama Dampa Sönam Gyaltsen Pal Zangpo^[134] (1312-1375),
• Sazang Mati Penchen Jamyang Lodro^[135] (1294-1376),
• Tsongkhapa Lobzang Drakpa^[136] (1357-1419),
• Gyaltsab Dharma Rinchen^[137] (1364-1432),
• Pawo Tsuglak Trengwa^[138] (1504-1566),
• Drugpa Pema Karpo^[139] (1527-1592),
• Mipham Rinpoche^[140] (1846-1912),
• Khenpo Zhenga^[141] (1871-1927),
• Thubten Chökyi Drakpa,^[142]
• Khenpo Kunpal^[143] (1862-1943),
• Zhechen Gyaltsab^[144] (1871-1926)
• and Lodro Gyaltshen.^[145]

Buddhist Scholasticism at Śrī Siṃha Shedra in East Tibet

The interpretation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is closely linked to Buddhist scholasticism in Tibet. Buddhist scholasticism was brought from India to Tibet by the Indian paṇḍitas invited during the time of the three great kings: Songtsen Gampo,^[146] Trisong Detsen,^[147] and Tri Ralpachen.^[148] The first centers of learning were places such as Samye,^[149] Pangtang Kame,^[150] and Ushang Doyi Lhakhang,^[151] where great Indian masters^[152] trained Tibetan translators^[153] and helped them prepare exact translations of many sūtras and tantras from Sanskrit into the Tibetan language.

Later, during the reign of King Ralpachen, many monastic centers were created following the tradition of the Indian paṇḍitas. King Ralpachen himself completed 108 Buddhist building projects that his forefathers had pledged to build but could not finish during their lifetimes.^[154] He also created twelve philosophical colleges, six monasteries, and six retreat centers.^[155] Thus, in the early days of Buddhism in Tibet, practitioners studied sūtra and practiced tantra in the tradition of the Indian paṇḍitas.

During the reign of King Langdarma these practice and scholastic centers were dismantled, the Indian scholars and translators left Tibet, and many practitioners went into hiding.

With the beginning of the Later Translation Period, from the time of Rinchen Zangpo onward, Buddhist scholasticism was revived throughout Central and Southwest Tibet.^[156] The Nyingma, Old Kadampa, Sakya, Kagyü, and later Gelugpa Schools developed great monastic universities. Scholasticism in the Nyingma School was preserved, on one hand, by great masters who appeared over the centuries such as Longchenpa and Rongdzom Mahāpaṇḍita, and, on the other hand, by the great monastic institutions of Central Tibet such as Samye, Mindröl Ling,^[157] and Dorje Trak.^[158]

The Nyingma School in East Tibet produced great masters and scholars in many places such as Kathok, Dzogchen, Palyül, and Zhechen. However, only during the second half of the 19th century were institutional philosophical studies at Buddhist universities made available to a wider audience in East Tibet’s Nyingma monasteries. Before that time, the main focus of the Nyingma School in East Tibet was on the practice of meditation, while philosophical studies were pursued at Buddhist universities in Central Tibet.

According to Khenpo Chöga, in general the Nyingma School’s Buddhist shedra^[159] follow the structure of the Nālandā monastic university in India, which emphasizes maintaining the entire Buddhist tradition through nine scholastic activities.^[160]

The first three scholastic activities are study, contemplation, and meditation.^[161] A student who aspires to become a scholar must first listen to the teachings and thoroughly study the dharma. He must repeatedly contemplate the meaning of those teachings. Finally, to internalize the teachings, he must meditate on their meaning. Thus, he accomplishes something that benefits him personally. The next three activities of a scholar are teaching, debate, and composition.^[162] For the benefit of others, a scholar teaches the dharma, engages in debates about its meaning to clear away doubts in the minds of others, and writes compositions and treatises. The last three scholastic activities are founding universities, developing retreat centers, and engaging in Buddhist activities.^[163] For the benefit of both himself and others, the scholar creates Buddhist universities^[164] so that his students can study the dharma, and he develops retreat centers^[165] so that they can practice meditation. He also engages in Buddhist activities such as building monasteries, stūpas, and so forth.

The Nyingma School maintains a system in which scholasticism and meditation are practiced as a unity.^[166] Exemplary masters such as Vairocana, Longchen Rabjam, Rongzom Mahāpaṇḍita, Paltrül Rinpoche, and Mipham Rinpoche were equally accomplished scholars and yogins. These great masters took upon themselves the task of maintaining the entire teaching of Buddhism by preserving this unity of both the scholastic and practice traditions.

Institutional scholasticism and the founding of Buddhist universities in the Nyingma School of East Tibet began in the middle of the 19th century during the time of great masters such as Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo^[167] (1820-1892), Kongtrül Lodro Thaye^[168] (1813-1899), and Paltrül Rinpoche (1808-1887). East Tibetan monasteries such as Kathok,^[169] Dzogchen, Palyül,^[170] and Zhechen,^[171] as well as the Sakya monastery Dzongsar,^[172] and the Kagyü monastery Palpung,^[173] founded universities and set up rigorous Buddhist study curricula. With the founding of Śrī Siṃha Shedra, around 1842, Dzogchen Monastery was probably the first of the Nyingma monasteries in East Tibet to establish an institutional system for producing scholars and preceptors on a grand scale.

Called ‘Rudam Orgyen Samten Chöling’, Dzogchen Monastery was founded in 1685^[174] by the first Dzogchen Rinpoche, Pema Rigdzin (1625-1697). Later, the first Dodrupchen Jigme Thrinley Özer (1745-1821) sent his student Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye^[175] (1800-?) to a certain place in the valley of Dzogchen, where he had a vision of the great Dzogchen master Śrī Siṃha sitting on a rock.

In honor of Śrī Siṃha, Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye, the fourth Dzogchen Rinpoche, Mingyur Namkhai Dorje^[176] (1793-?), Sengtruk Pema Trashi,^[177] Dzogchen Khenpo Pema Dorje^[178] (19th century), and Do Khyentse Yeshe Dorje^[179] (1800-1866) established the Dzogchen Śrī Siṃha Shedra^[180] at the very place where Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye had seen Śrī Siṃha in his vision. Since Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye rebuilt Dzogchen Monastery in 1842 after it was totally destroyed by an earthquake, it is likely that Śrī Siṃha Shedra was founded around that time.

The curriculum at Śrī Siṃha Shedra

To understand how Tibetan scholars write commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, one must take a look at their educational system. Since the time of Nālandā, the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was taught by an elite group of highly specialized monk-scholars to an exclusively male audience of scholarly monks. The didactic language in use at Śrī Siṃha Shedra was and still is classical Buddhist Tibetan, a very technical jargon understood only by those prepared through training in the vast field of Buddhist philosophy and sciences. Tibetan commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra reflect this enormous range of knowledge and thus force the reader to seek guidance from representatives of the Tibetan scholastic tradition.

The curriculum at Buddhist universities of the Nyingma School culminates at the highest level in the awarding of the title of ‘Zhungluk Rabjampa’, which means ‘Teacher of Infinite Textbooks’, and, on a lower level, in the title ‘khenpo’,^[181] which means ‘preceptor’. A khenpo is authorized to give the vows^[182] of individual liberation,^[183] i.e., he is a preceptor of monastic discipline.^[184] The main task of a khenpo is to uphold the unbroken ordination lineage of monks and nuns. In addition to the meaning of preceptor, the title khenpo can also mean ‘scholar’ or ‘paṇḍita’.^[185] A khenpo who functions as a preceptor must be a fully-ordained monk. He must be learned in the rules of monastic discipline but not necessarily in all of Buddhist philosophy and the sciences.^[186]

Students at Śrī Siṃha Shedra are exclusively monks^[187] who enter at the age of eighteen and may then take full ordination^[188] at the age of twenty. If they complete the rigorous seventeen-year curriculum^[189] of study and practice, they may be appointed khenpo and perhaps be sent to another monastery to maintain the tradition of monastic discipline and scholasticism^[190] there.

The very best student is often appointed the Khenchen Tripa,^[191] a title meaning ‘Throne-Holding Great Preceptor’, and then takes a four-year appointment as the main teacher at Śrī Siṃha Shedra. The four-year term as Khenchen Tripa can neither be extended nor repeated for another four-year term.

Not only is the Khenchen Tripa responsible for the spiritual education of the monks, but he also teaches at Śrī Siṃha Shedra and maintains the monastic discipline at both the shedra and the monastery.^[192] In addition, he presides over the bimonthly poṣadha^[193] of the monks and is the main teacher during the annual ‘Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra Seminar’,^[194] which takes place in the ‘Saṃgha Garden Enclosure’ next to Dzogchen Monastery. The Khenchen Tripa at Śrī Siṃha Shedra teaches while sitting on a special throne, called the ‘Wish-fulfilling Jewel of the Preceptor’s Throne’.^[195] The first students to obtain the Khenchen Tripa post were Khenchen Pema Dorje^[196] and Paltrül Rinpoche.

Many khenpos enter into strict retreat after they complete their seventeen years of study. While studying at Śrī Siṃha Shedra, they dedicate 75 percent of their time to study and 25 percent to meditation. Later, when staying in Dzogchen Monastery’s retreat center, they practice 75 percent of the time and dedicate 25 percent to study. Thus, they always maintain the proper balance between study and practice.

In order to become a khenpo, one must complete the entire seventeen-year shedra program as a monk, having both studied the textbooks and maintained the monastic discipline^[197] of the full monk’s ordination. Following this the student is awarded the title ‘khenpo’ and receives a diploma,^[198] authorizing him to teach the dharma and pass on monk’s vows as a preceptor.

To become a paṇḍita, the student must become learned in all five sciences.^[199] This is accomplished by first completing the seventeen years of study at Śrī Siṃha Shedra and studying another ten years with specialized teachers in the sciences. The title ‘Teacher of Infinite Textbooks’ is identical with the title ‘paṇḍita’, ‘scholar’ or ‘scholar of scholars’.^[200] It denotes someone who knows all the textbooks on Buddhist philosophy and the sciences.

At the next level is the title ‘Great Khenpo’.^[201] An exceedingly brilliant scholar, he has written commentaries on some, but not necessarily all, of the sciences and receives the title ‘Lion of Speech, Teacher of Boundless Textbooks’, taking his place in the assembly on a huge throne.

At the very highest level, a Mahāpaṇḍita is the most exalted of scholars. This title is reserved for those who know and teach the philosophical textbooks as well as the major and minor sciences, and who have also written commentaries to the treatises of all five major and minor sciences.^[202] Among those who achieved this exalted level of scholasticism are the masters Gertse Mahāpaṇḍita,^[203] Zhechen Öntrül Gyurme Thubtob Namgyal,^[204] Kongtrül Lodro Thaye, and Mipham Rinpoche.

The person mainly responsible for the curriculum at Śrī Siṃha Shedra was Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye. He had travelled widely in Tibet, China, and India and had visited many Buddhist universities of all schools. Mindröl Ling Monastery and Dzogchen Monastery were among the many places where he studied. Based on the vast knowledge that he had obtained through his travels and studies, Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye then developed the Dzogchen Śrī Siṃha curriculum.^[205]

Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye mainly taught the ‘thirteen great textbooks of Indian origin’^[206] which will be explained in detail below. He had studied them mainly with Sengtruk Pema Trashi and taught them extensively to his students Paltrül Rinpoche^[207] and Khenchen Pema Dorje, and to some extent to his young nephew, Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu.^[208]

Khenchen Pema Dorje compiled the rules and the curriculum for the Śrī Siṃha Shedra as set forth by Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye. Paltrül Rinpoche gave the complete teachings of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye to Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu. Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu in turn passed the complete explanation lineage he had received from Paltrül Rinpoche on to Khenpo Zhenga.^[209] Khenpo Zhenga wrote the famous annotated commentaries^[210] to the ‘thirteen great textbooks of Indian origin’ and also to the supplementary textbooks. Thereafter, the ‘thirteen great textbooks’ were always taught at Śrī Siṃha Shedra based on Khenpo Zhenga’s annotations. Khenpo Zhenga wrote his annotations based on the explanation lineage that came down to him from the abovementioned masters. Even now, the students at Śrī Siṃha Shedra must learn all ‘thirteen great textbooks’ by heart.

At the Śrī Siṃha Shedra, students would, over a period of nine, thirteen, or seventeen years, study the sciences,^[211] ‘thirteen great textbooks of Indian origin’,^[212] tantra,^[213] and eventually the Dzogchen teachings.^[214] The aim of the Śrī Siṃha Shedra has been to produce many accomplished scholar-yogins, i.e., qualified teachers trained equally in Buddhist scholasticism and meditation.^[215]

The entire study program at the shedra is divided into three sections. The first section takes nine years to complete and focuses mainly on the ‘thirteen great textbooks of Indian origin’ and the Guhyagarbha Tantra. The second section takes four years to complete and deals mainly with tantra and the writings of Rongzom Mahāpaṇḍita and Longchen Rabjam. The third section takes another four years to complete and concentrates on the study of Atiyoga.

During the first section of nine years,^[216] the first two years^[217] are mainly dedicated to the study of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra^[218] and the vinaya;^[219] the second two years to the study of madhyamaka^[220] and cittamātra;^[221] the next three years to the study of prajñāparamitā^[222] and abhidharma;^[223] and the last two years to the study of the Mañjuśri-nāma-saṃgīti^[224] and the Guhyagarbha Tantra.^[225] During this first nine-year period, students also study the writings of Sakya Paṇḍita,^[226] Gorampa Sönam Senge,^[227] the 7th Karmapa, Chötrak Gyamtso,^[228] and Tsongkhapa Lobzang Drakpa.^[229]

The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is part of the curriculum and is taught during the first two years for a period of three months based on Khenpo Zhenga’s annotation commentary.^[230] After completion of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra teachings, the student receives the bodhisattva vows and a bodhisattva name. Thus, he is officially made a bodhisattva. Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary is also taught during the first two years for a period of six months, not as part of the Śrī Siṃha Shedra curriculum but in a separate optional class. In addition to this, the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is taught every year for a period of three months at the annual Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra Seminar.^[231]

Of utmost importance to the entire curriculum is the study of the ‘thirteen great textbooks of Indian origin’.^[232] Through studying the ‘thirteen great textbooks’, the students master the key knowledge of the entire tripiṭaka. A short mnemonic poem from the Śrī Siṃha Shedra shows how the ‘thirteen great textbooks’ represent the entire tripiṭaka:^[233]

• The Prātimokṣa^[234] and Vinaya-sūtra^[235] represent the vinaya piṭaka.
• The Mūla,^[236] the Avatāra,^[237] the Catuḥ,^[238] and the Carya^[239] belong to the profound Madhyamaka group, and
• Together with the five teachings of Maitreya^[240] they represent the sūtra piṭaka.
• The Koṣa^[241] and the Samuccaya^[242] represent the abhidharma piṭaka.
• These are the ‘thirteen great textbooks’ of the tripiṭaka.^[243]

The second section of four years is dedicated to studying the writings of Rongzom Mahāpaṇḍita^[244] and the Seven Treasures of Longchenpa.^[245] In addition, Jigme Lingpa’s Yönten Dzö based on the commentary by Khenpo Yönga^[246] and the commentary on the Three Vows^[247] by Minling Lochen Dharmaśrī are also taught.

The third section of four years focuses on the study of the Seventeen Dzogchen Tantras,^[248] Nyingthig Yabzhi,^[249] and the Tri Yeshe Lama^[250] by Jigme Lingpa.

The study of the other sciences such as Arts, Medicine, Astrology, and Linguistics are optional to the above curriculum. Upon completion of all the abovementioned courses, the students must take examinations in teaching, writing, and debate.

Due to the length, intensity, and complexity of this educational background, scholars often tend to be overburdened by the weight of all they know, feeling compelled to load as much doctrinal information as they can into their written commentaries on Buddhist treatises, and whenever possible they will insert extraneous references to the sciences they have studied, such as medicine, astrology, etc. In addition, their scholastic explanations must be supported by quotations from scriptures. For the uninformed or inexperienced reader, these explanations and quotations are usually so technical and ponderous as to require further explanatory commentary from a scholarly teacher. Thus, in the lineage teachings of Buddhism there tends to be a high level of inaccessibility dispelled only by the skilled personal teacher.

Paltrül Rinpoche and the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

In the history of Buddhism in Eastern Tibet, Paltrül Rinpoche Orgyen Jigme Chökyi Wangpo was the greatest figure in the propagation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. He dedicated his life to the dissemination of this teaching. Paltrül Rinpoche was one of the most illustrious spiritual teachers and authors of his time. He lived the life of an enlightened vagabond yogin, spending most of his time wandering through remote areas of East Tibet, living in caves and hermitages. The core of his practice was Dzogchen, the Great Perfection, infused with loving kindness, compassion, and bodhicitta.^[251]

Paltrül Rinpoche studied with the greatest teachers of his era and was a scholar of the highest magnitude. He possessed not the slightest interest in fame or reputation but was one of the greatest meditation masters of the Dzogchen tradition, one who counted many great teachers among his students. He never remained very long at one place and would never accept offerings or gifts in return for his teachings.

A major lineage holder of Jigme Lingpa’s Longchen Nyingthig tradition,^[252] Paltrül Rinpoche set a very high standard among Buddhist practitioners. His entire life was dedicated to the genuine study and practice lineage of Buddhism. Although he taught at various monasteries, shedras, and hermitages throughout his life, he owned nothing, neither monastic nor worldly goods. He always remained a care-free yogin who might at any time wander off unaccompanied, his only possessions being the few books that he carried with him.

From time to time Paltrül Rinpoche would write profound treatises, commentaries, and poetry, bequeathing us six volumes of writings. Followers of all schools were his students, and together with Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo, Chokgyur Lingpa,^[253] Kongtrül Lodro Thaye, Mipham Rinpoche, and other great masters, he spearheaded the non-sectarian movement,^[254] the great revival of Tibetan Buddhism originating in East Tibet.

Paltrül Rinpoche himself had studied sūtra and tantra under Gyalwe Nyugu,^[255] Jigme Kalzang,^[256] Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye,^[257] Jigme Ngotshar,^[258] Zhechen Öntrül Thubtob Namgyal,^[259] Khenpo Sengtruk Pema Trashi,^[260] and the fourth Dzogchen Rinpoche Mingyur Namkhai Dorje.^[261] He studied the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra primarily with Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye and Jigme Ngotshar, and through their teachings Paltrül Rinpoche became a great scholar himself. In addition, Paltrül Rinpoche received teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from many other teachers.

Paltrül Rinpoche is said to have taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra about one hundred times^[262] during his life. Interestingly, although Paltrül Rinpoche in his time was regarded as ‘the authority’ on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, he never wrote a commentary on it. However, he did teach it to many great masters of all schools, always in accordance with their own traditions. Thus, he was a truly non-sectarian teacher. His close student Khenpo Kunpal writes:^[263]

In fact, my kind teacher (Paltrül Rinpoche) had realized all teachings without any contradictions and all texts appeared to him as instructions. Therefore, he became a lineage holder for the teachings of the Early and Later (Translation Periods).

On this basis, when asked,

“How should this text (the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra) be explained?”,

I (Khenpo Kunpal) heard him say,

“It should be explained to the followers of the Sakya School according to the commentary of the venerable Sönam Tsemo;^[264] to the followers of the Genden School^[265] with the commentary of Darma (Rinchen);^[266] to the followers of the Kagyü School with commentaries such as that of Pawo Tsuglak Trengwa and others;^[267] and to the followers of the Old School— and (in particular) for the Śrī Siṃha (Shedra) of the ancient Dzogchen (monastery)—according to their own tradition of the Old School.”^[268]

Khenpo Kunpal, who served as Paltrül Rinpoche’s attendant during his later years, writes that Paltrül Rinpoche carried a copy of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra^[269] and the Mañjuśrī-nāma-saṇgīti at all times, these texts being his daily prayers. But even these he would sometimes give away, as he knew them by heart.^[270] Since Paltrül Rinpoche dedicated so much of his time to teaching the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, his followers regarded him as an emanation of Śāntideva.^[271]

Together with his two teachers, Sengtruk Pema Trashi^[272] and Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye, Paltrül Rinpoche inaugurated the tradition of an annual three-month intensive study and practice period on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra at ‘Saṃgha Garden Enclosure’ next to the Dzogchen Monastery, lasting from April until June each year. The monks from the monastery, the shedra, and their environs would all gather and arrange extensive offerings. They would recite the entire Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, chapter by chapter, throughout the day. At the proper places they would insert extensive offerings, prostrations, prayers, confessions, and so forth, thus turning the entire text into a vast liturgy. A khenpo would explain the text and everyone would meditate on it according to the oral instructions of the lineage.

This annual Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra seminar was called the ‘Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra Ritual’.^[273] All the teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra given during the seminar focused on practicing the teachings and were not overly academic in nature. The teachers would in most cases give a commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra proper, on Khenpo Zhenga’s annotation commentary, and occasionally would teach the commentary by Ngülchu Thogme Zangpo.^[274]

Students at Dzogchen Monastery to this day must learn the entire Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra by heart. They are asked to stand up in class and recite the entire text in front of the khenpos and their fellow students. The absolute minimum requirement is that they memorize a selection of the text, known as the ‘four chapters of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra’.^[275] These four chapters are the first, second, third, and tenth.

For most of the latter part of his life, Paltrül Rinpoche lived at Dzagön, the seat of his root-teacher, Gyalwe Nyugu. Paltrül Rinpoche also established an annual three-month seminar on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra at Dzagön,^[276] similar to the annual teaching seminar at Dzogchen.^[277]

Before Paltrül Rinpoche’s time, the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was known and studied only in a few great monastic universities in East Tibet; at times even obtaining a copy of the text could prove difficult.^[278] Due to Paltrül Rinpoche’s tireless efforts, the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is now widely taught in the monastic universities of Eastern Tibet. His inspiring teaching style led every small monk from the age of ten onwards to learn to recite this text by heart. In addition, he taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra many times to great gatherings of lay people, thus making the complete Mahāyāna path accessible to large, not simply monastic, audiences.

Among the students who received his teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra were great masters such as Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu,^[279] the Third Dodrupchen, Jigme Tenpai Nyima,^[280] Lungtok Tenpai Nyima,^[281] Thubten Chökyi Drakpa,^[282] Khenpo Kunpal,^[283] Khenpo Yönga,^[284] Mipham Rinpoche,^[285] and many others.

Khenpo Kunpal’s Commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

Khenpo Kunpal studied with Paltrül Rinpoche for many years and received extensive teachings from him. He was also a student of Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu and studied for many years at the Śrī Siṃha Shedra. Khenpo Kunpal wrote the commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra that we translate in this work and the volumes to follow. Concerning this commentary, Khenpo Kunpal mentions one important occasion, the time when Paltrül Rinpoche taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra to the great treasurerevealer, Chokgyur Dechen Lingpa, at Dzogchen Monastery:^[286]

In particular, he taught this text (the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra) for six months to students such as myself (Khenpo Kunpal), to masters such as Chokgyur Lingpa,^[287] who is mentioned in the prophecies, to his sublime lineage children, and others. At that time, mainly using the commentary of Ngülchu Thogme, he taught this text as an instruction for practice.

At that time, Khenpo Kunpal took detailed notes of Paltrül Rinpoche’s teachings. A hand-written manuscript of these notes was brought out of Tibet by Dilgo Khyentse

Rinpoche (1910-1991) and recently printed by Tarthang Tulku in the U.S.A.^[288] Later, Khenpo Kunpal received further teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from other great students of Paltrül Rinpoche, such as Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu and others. From Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu he twice received forty-day long teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.^[289]

Khenpo Kunpal wrote his own commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.

He called it,

“A Word-by-Word Commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, called Drops of Nectar, according to the Personal Statement of the Mañjughoṣa-like Teacher.”^[290]

He wrote it using his own notes,^[291] the notes of other students of Paltrül Rinpoche, the various teachings he had received from the abovementioned masters, two short texts written by Paltrül Rinpoche,^[292] and the Indian and Tibetan commentaries available to him.

Concerning the style of the commentary, Khenpo Kunpal himself writes in the introduction,^[293]

I principally relied on my notes,^[294] which guaranteed that everything he (Paltrül Rinpoche) taught remained in my mind, along with other (sources), in a chronological manner. For what I will explain here, scholastic elaborations such as quotations will be unnecessary, and I am fearful of (using too many) words. I have in mind something practical, a mere word-by-word commentary for beginners, easy to practice and understand. Therefore, I will not pursue (detailed) elaborations.

Khenpo Kunpal wrote his commentary as a guide for practitioners, people who train themselves in bodhicitta and the six transcendental perfections, and those who aspire to traverse the Mahāyāna path toward enlightenment. It is a particular feature of Paltrül Rinpoche’s teaching style that he shows how to apply the main points of practice^[295] from the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra and the way in which the transformation from an ordinary being into a bodhisattva can be achieved by anyone who seriously applies the teaching.

Thus, Khenpo Kunpal has ensured that Paltrül Rinpoche’s direct teaching lineage is available to us in these times. The text he composed was first printed at Zhechen monastery in East Tibet and later reprinted a few times in Tibet, Nepal, and the U.S.A.^[296] Very soon after its publication in Tibet, this commentary became known to many lamas, scholars, monks, and practitioners of all schools of Tibetan Buddhism.

Three further authors whose commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra also represent Paltrül Rinpoche’s direct teachings are Khenpo Zhenga, Thubten Chökyi Drakpa, and Mipham Rinpoche. Based on Paltrül Rinpoche’s oral teachings, Khenpo Zhenga^[297] wrote his famous annotation commentaries^[298] on all thirteen great textbooks, including the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, which are still taught at Śrī Siṃha Shedra as well as many other shedras in Tibet, India, and the Himalayan countries.

Thubten Chökyi Drakpa^[299] was originally a follower of the Gelukpa school. He studied for more than twenty years with Paltrül Rinpoche and wrote three commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. One was an extensive commentary on the first eight chapters and the other two were commentaries on the ninth chapter.^[300]

Mipham Rinpoche received teachings on the knowledge chapter from Paltrül Rinpoche and based on that in 1878 wrote his famous commentary, nor bu ke ta ka, regarded as the authoritative commentary representing Paltrül Rinpoche’s oral explanation lineage. When Paltrül Rinpoche later read the nor bu ke ta ka, he remarked,

“Strange, it is written in the style that I used when I taught at Śrī Siṃha Shedra.”^[301]

Although Paltrül Rinpoche never wrote a commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, he did write a brief meditation guide^[302] for the entire text, teaching the key points of practice. Khenpo Kunpal incorporated this into his commentary. Paltrül Rinpoche also wrote a lineage supplication to the lineage masters of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra^[303] which will be discussed later.

Structure of Khenpo Kunpal’s Commentary

Paltrül Rinpoche taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra by structuring the entire text according to the following four lines, attributed by some scholars to Nāgārjuna:^[304]

May the precious and supreme bodhicitta
Arise in those in whom it has not yet arisen;
And where it has arisen may it not decrease
But ever increase more and more.

byang chub sems mchog rin po che
ma skyes pa rnams skye gyur cig
skyes pa nyams pa med pa yang
gong nas gong du ‘phel bar shog

This aspiration summarizes the entire Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra and its ten chapters in 913 stanzas. The ten chapters are structured according to four main classifications as follows:^[305]

Three chapters that give rise to the precious bodhicitta in those in whom it has not yet arisen^[306] (chap. 1, 2, 3):

1. Explaining the benefits of bodhicitta^[307] [36 stanzas];
2. Confessing negativity^[308] [65 stanzas];
3. Thorough adoption of bodhicitta^[309] [33.5 stanzas].

Three chapters that prevent the decrease (of the precious bodhicitta) where it has arisen^[310] (chap. 4,5,6):

4. Heedfulness^[311] [48 stanzas];
5. Introspection^[312] [109 stanzas];
6. Patience^[313] [134 stanzas].

Three chapters that not only prevent the decrease (of the precious bodhicitta) but cause it to ever increase more and more^[314] (chap. 7,8,9):

7. Diligence^[315] [76 stanzas];
8. Meditation^[316] [187 stanzas];
9. Transcendental knowledge^[317] [167 stanzas].

A single chapter concerning the dedication of the results that have thus been developed for the benefit of others ^[318] (chap. 10):

10. Dedication^[319] [57.5 stanzas].

Following this format, the first three chapters deal with arousing bodhicitta; the second three chapters deal with how to sustain it and prevent it from being lost or diminished; the third three chapters deal with methods for increasing it; and the tenth chapter deals with the subject of dedication. One dedicates the merit coming from bodhicitta which one has aroused, sustained, and increased through the teachings of the previous nine chapters.

Paltrül Rinpoche wrote a short text called ‘Structure of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra’,^[320] in which he taught a method of structuring the entire body of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. In this text he identifies the various topics and sections of the work and assigns titles to them. If one applies this framework to the verses of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, one immediately gains considerable insight into the subject matter of each respective verse. Khenpo Kunpal followed for the most part this format in structuring his commentary.

If you follow the structural chart that outlines Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary, given before the translation of Śāntideva’s root text and Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary, you might find it easier to comprehend the structure of the text, particularly that of the first chapter.^[321]

The Two Great Lineages of Mahāyāna

Authenticity of any Buddhist teaching is established by demonstrating an unbroken master-student lineage starting with Buddha Śākyamuni and continuing down to the present day. A teaching is considered lost or no longer valid if the lineage of its transmission has been broken.

According to the Tibetan tradition, Buddha Śākyamuni himself taught the dharma through the following three promulgations as follows.^[322] The first promulgation, ‘the dharma wheel of the four truths’,^[323] corresponds to the Hīnayāna teachings. The second promulgation, ‘the dharma wheel devoid of attributes’,^[324] and the third promulgation, ‘the dharma wheel of excellent analysis’,^[325] constitute the Mahāyāna teachings. The Mahāyāna teachings include both sūtra^[326] and mantra.^[327] Yet, the Vajrayāna teachings^[328] are generally considered to be the fourth promulgation, the ‘promulgation of the Secret Mantra’.^[329]

These promulgations should be understood in the context of the doctrine of Buddha Śākyamuni’s three bodies.^[330] Mahāyāna doctrine does not consider Buddha Śākyamuni as a human being as does the Hīnayāna; Buddha Śākyamuni is seen as a wisdom field. This wisdom field, the ‘wisdom body of the Buddha’,^[331] is not bound by time and space. Western scholars view Buddhism as developing historically from Hīnayāna to Mahāyāna and finally to Vajrayāna. Tibetan Buddhist scholars on the other hand see such deterministic, chronological sequencing of Buddha’s promulgations as too linear and as not in accord with the ultimate aspect of the reality that Buddha’s teachings describe.

The Tibetan tradition divides the Mahāyāna teachings into two parts: the ‘tradition of the profound view’^[332] and the ‘tradition of vast activities’.^[333] The first comes through Bodhisattva Mañjughoṣa and the latter through Bodhisattva Maitreya.

According to tradition, Mañjughoṣa,^[334] the main lineage holder of the second promulgation, ‘the dharma wheel devoid of attributes’, received teachings directly from Buddha Śākyamuni. During this second promulgation, Buddha Śākyamuni mainly taught transcendental knowledge^[335] and profound emptiness^[336] to Mañjughoṣa and others. Mañjughoṣa’s lineage is called the ‘tradition of the profound view’ and was recorded by Nāgārjuna.^[337]

The treatises written by Nāgārjuna which summarize this view are called the ‘Six Textbooks in the Collection of Reasoning concerning Madhyamaka’. Some scholars state that these refer to five of Nāgārjuna’s texts on Madhyamaka while others say six. When classified as being six, they are called the ’Six textbooks in the Collection of Reasoning concerning Madhyamaka’.^[338] These six textbooks are classified as ‘writings on profound emptiness’;^[339] since Nāgārjuna’s lineage primarily teaches on profound emptiness, it is called the ‘lineage of the profound view’.^[340]

Maitreya, the main lineage holder of the third promulgation, ‘the dharma wheel of excellent analysis’, also received teachings directly from Buddha Śākyamuni. In the third promulgation, Buddha Śākyamuni explained in great detail to Bodhisattva Maitreya the subtle distinctions that can be made between emptiness^[341] and wisdom^[342] as well as the various distinctions of the ten bodhisattva levels and the five paths.^[343] Maitreya’s lineage is called the ‘tradition of vast activities’ and was recorded by Asaðga.^[344]

The treatises written by Asaðga summarizing Maitreya’s teachings are called the ‘Five Teachings of Maitreya.’^[345] Since Asaðga’s lineage primarily expounds the extensive conduct of bodhisattvas, it is called the ‘lineage of vast activities’.^[346] Asaðga’s five textbooks are classified as ‘writings on vast activities’.^[347]

The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra combines both lineages in one single practice manual. Therefore, this lineage is called the ‘lineage that combines both view and practice’^[348] or ‘the lineage of blessing and practice’.^[349] This lineage is said to have been transmitted from Buddha Śākyamuni to Bodhisattva Mañjughoṣa. It was then received and recorded by Śāntideva.^[350] However, if one analyzes the manner of receiving the bodhisattva vows,^[351] as will be discussed in great detail in volume three, then the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra must be classified under the ‘lineage of the profound view’.

Ritual Associated with the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

In addition to being a commonly studied text, large sections of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra are used by all schools of Tibetan Buddhism for recitation, ritual, and prayer. For example, the second and third chapters contain a great deal of source material used in Mahāyāna ritual. These two chapters extensively teach the methods used for gathering ‘conceptual merit’ through the ‘practice in eight sections’.^[352]

All schools use verses from the first, second, third, and tenth chapters for the ritual known as ‘the ceremony for transmitting the development of bodhicitta’,^[353] also called ‘receiving the bodhisattva precepts’.^[354] Paltrül Rinpoche himself arranged such a text.^[355] All ritual texts for transmitting bodhicitta and the bodhisattva precepts that are based on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra follow Nāgārjuna’s lineage of the profound view, which accords with the tradition of Madhyamaka.^[356] In Nāgārjuna’s tradition the precepts for bodhicitta of aspiration and for bodhicitta of application are received together during the ceremony, while in Asaðga’s tradition, which accords with the Cittamātra tradition,^[357] the precepts for both types of bodhicitta are received separately.

During the afore-mentioned yearly Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra practice seminar^[358] at Dzogchen Monastery, the entire text of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is organized for ritual recitation and interspersed with various well-known Mahāyāna offerings, homages, confessions, and so forth.^[359]

The Explanation Lineage of Teachers of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra through Butön

Giving evidence of an unbroken, oral explanation lineage for a treatise such as the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is of utmost importance for a teacher, since it proves his authority and the validity of his interpretation. That is why Butön lists, in the colophon of his commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra,^[360] the oral explanation lineage^[361] of the masters through whom the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was handed down to him:

When this Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, composed by the great master Śāntideva, who practiced one-pointedly the conduct of a bodhisattva, was spoken as a recitation, those who had achieved perfect recall and who were present in his entourage at that time successively handed down the direct oral explanation lineage through

1. Jetāri,^[362]
2. Candrakīrti the lesser,^[363]
3. Kunayaśrī,^[364]
4. the Nepalese Kanakaśrī,^[365]
5. Sumatikīrti,^[366]
6. Ngok Loden Sherab,^[367]
7. Khyung Rinchen Trak,^[368]
8. Tölung Gyamar,^[369]
9. and Chawa Chö Seng^[370] (1109-1169).

It is said that Chawa Chö Seng also received it from Trolungpa.^[371] (From Chawa Chö Seng the lineage continues with) Tsangkar^[372] to Trophu Lo tsawa Jampe Pal^[373] (1172-1225).

Again, Trophu Lotsawa Jampe Pal received the explanation from the three:

1. Khache Panchen Śākyaśrī,^[374]
2. Paṇḍita Buddhaśrījñāna,^[375]
3. and the Nepalese Paṇḍita Devaśrī.^[376]

(Trophu Lotsawa Jampe Pal gave it) to both Lama Sönam Gyalwa^[377] and Khenpo Zhönu Dorje^[378] (1207-1263). I (Butön) received it from my great teacher Tseme Kyebu.^[379]

The Lineage of Teachers of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra in the Lam Rim Tradition

In 1787, the great Gelukpa author Tsechok Ling Yongdzin Yeshe Gyaltsen (1713-1793) compiled two volumes with the biographies^[380] of all the lineage masters of the Lam Rim tradition, the ‘graded stages to enlightenment’.^[381] The tradition of the graded stages to enlightenment describes the development of bodhicitta and the application of the six transcendental perfections, the entire sūtra Mahāyāna path to enlightenment. The graded stages tradition is the most essential teaching of the Gelukpa School that arose out of the Old Kadampa School^[382] as founded by the Indian master Atiśa.^[383]

Atiśa received the complete teachings and instructions on the graded stages to enlightenment through three lineages:^[384] the two afore-mentioned great lineages, i.e., the ‘lineage of the profound view’ and the ‘lineage of vast activities’, as well as the ‘practice lineage of great blessings’.

The ‘practice lineage of great blessings’ is said to begin with the Bodhisattva Mañjughoṣa and was recorded by Śāntideva in his texts the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, the Śikṣā-samuccaya, and, according to the Tibetan view, the Sūtra-samuccaya. The ‘practice lineage of great blessings’ is said to run through Mañjughoṣa, Akṣayamati,^[385] master Eladhari,^[386] master Śuravajra,^[387] the MahāŚrī Ratna Bodhisattva,^[388] Atiśa’s root guru Lord (Dharmakīrti of) Suvarṇadvīpa,^[389] and Atiśa. From Atiśa the lineage runs in an unbroken succession of masters through the Old and New Kadampa schools^[390] up to the present day.

Terdag Lingpa’s reading transmission of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra

Terdag Lingpa Gyurme Dorje’s ‘manual of received teachings’^[391] provides us with another lineage of the reading transmission^[392] of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra^[393] and the Śikṣā-samuccaya^[394] that was passed on through the masters of the New Translation Period before it became exclusively Nyingma:

Śāntideva, Eladhari, Jetāri,^[395]
Candrakīrti the lesser,^[396]
Puṇyaśrī, the Nepalese Kanakapa,^[397]
Sumatikīrti,^[398]
Ngok Loden Sherab^[399] (1059-1109),
Zhangtshe Pongwa^[400] (1059-1109),
and Tsang Nagpa^[401] (1109-1169).

From Ngok Loden Sherab the lineage also comes down to Tsang Nagpa through Trolungpa^[402] and Chawa Chö Seng^[403] (1109-1169).

From Tsang Nagpa the lineage continues with:

Palden Tro,^[404]
Chim Chenpo^[405] (1290-1285),
Zeu Traktsön,^[406]
and Chim Lobzang Trakpa^[407] (1299-1375).

From Chim Lobzang Trakpa the lineage comes down to Kangyurwa Śākya Gyaltshen^[408] and continues with:

Dorje Denpa Kunga Namgyal,^[409]
Sönam Chogden,^[410]
Lodro Thogme,^[411]
Palden Dondrup,^[412]
Wangchug Gyaltshen,^[413]
Ngagwang Namgyal,^[414]
Tsültrim Trashi,^[415]
Rinchen Gyamtsho,^[416]
Kunga Tendar,^[417]
Domtsön Kunga Dargye,^[418]
and Terdag Lingpa Gyurme Dorje.^[419]

The Lineage of Teachers of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra at Dzogchen Monastery

Paltrül Rinpoche composed a ‘Supplication to the Lineage Masters of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra’,^[420] which begins with Buddha Śākyamuni and continues all the way down to himself. This lineage supplication also presents the lineage maintained at Śrī Siṃha Shedra. The lineage is not always historically connected in a teacher-student relationship but at times skips a generation or two.

The lineage is as follows:

Buddha Śākyamuni,
Mañjughoṣa,
Śāntideva, Jetāri,^[421]
Candrakīrti the lesser,^[422]
Guṇa Śrī,^[423]
Kanakaśrī,^[424]
Sumatikīrti,^[425]
Ngok Loden Sherab^[426] (1051),
Master Jetsünpa,^[427]
Butön Rinchen Drup^[428] (1290-1364),
Thukse Lotsawa,^[429]
Yagtruk Sangye Pal^[430] (1350-1414),
Sangye Phel^[431] (1348-1414),
Trinle Mikyöpa^[432] (1507-1554),
Könchok Jungne,^[433]
Karma Chagme^[434] (1613-1678),
Pema Rigdzin^[435] (1625-1697),
Pönlob Namkha Özer,^[436]
Thekchog Tendzin,^[437]
Trashi Gyamtso,^[438]
Rigdzin Zangpo,^[439]
Pema Trashi,^[440]
Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye,^[441]
Jigme Ngotshar,^[442]
and Paltrül Rinpoche.^[443]

It is striking that Paltrül Rinpoche, a great Nyingma scholar, traces his explanation lineage of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra back to masters of the New Translation Period, such as Ngok Loden Sherab, Butön and others. This lineage supplication again suggests that an independent Nyingma explanation lineage tracing itself back to Kawa Paltsek and his first translation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra no longer exists.

Paltrül Rinpoche’s explanation lineage originates from the great masters of the New Translation Period and becomes an exclusively Nyingma lineage only in the 17th century with masters such as Pema Rigdzin and others. This refutes the commonly held belief that all sūtra lineages of the Nyingma School can be traced back to the First Translation Period through an exclusively Nyingma lineage. Nevertheless, Tibetan scholars believe that the reading transmission^[444] and explanation lineage^[445] of Kawa Paltsek’s first translation and Rinchen Zangpo’s second translation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra were all absorbed by Ngok Loden Sherab in his third and final translation of the root text from the Sanskrit.

According to the tradition of Śrī Siṃha Shedra, Paltrül Rinpoche’s lineage continues with his famous students such as

• Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu,^[446]
• Thubten Chökyi Drakpa,^[447]
• Khenpo Kunpal,^[448]
• Khenpo Yönga,^[449]
• Dzogchen Khenpo Pema Dorje,^[450]
• and Mipham Rinpoche.^[451]

Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu’s main student was Khenpo Zhenga, who taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra extensively to Batur Khenpo Thubga.^[452] Batur Khenpo Thubga taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra according to Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary to Khenpo Pentse (1931-2002).^[453]

Khenpo Pentse received Khenpo Zhenga’s annotation commentary^[454] on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from Dzogchen Khenpo Thubnor.^[455] He also received Ngülchu Thogme’s commentary^[456] on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from Dzogchen Khenpo Tsering Nyima.^[457] Furthermore, he received teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from Khenpo Thubga’s student Khenpo Chödor.^[458] During the latter part of his life, until his death in 2001, Khenpo Pentse was considered the main khenpo at Dzogchen Śrī Siṃha Shedra, although his main residence was Phugkhung Gompa^[459] in the district of Arik Dza.^[460]

Khenpo Chöga^[461] received teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from many masters, and studied and practiced the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra for many years. He received numerous commentaries on the root text of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from his main teacher Khenpo Pentse, including Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary twice, and Khenpo Zhenga’s annotation commentary once. Khenpo Chöga also received a commentary on Khenpo Zhenga’s annotation commentary from Khenpo Thubnor. He received teachings on Ngülchu Thogme’s commentary from Khenpo Tsering Nyima and from Serta Khenpo Sori.^[462]

He received a very extensive commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra root text over a period of two years from Khenpo Kunub Özer,^[463] who had received his transmission from Khenpo Thubnyen,^[464] who in turn was a direct student of Khenpo Zhenga. Furthermore, Khenpo Chöga received detailed teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra root text from Khenpo Akhu Dolo.^[465]

He also received Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary as well as another commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra root text from his classmate Khenpo Urgyen Rigdzin.^[466]

These days, scholars at Dzogchen Monastery first give new students a commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra root text, which they must memorize. The students next study Ngülchu Thogme’s commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. At the same time, the students learn the interpretations of other schools on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.

Later, they study Khenpo Zhenga’s annotation commentary. Finally, they learn Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary in conjunction with an oral commentary on the root text. All these commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra are taught in the practice-oriented tradition of Paltrül Rinpoche, in which all scholastic knowedge must be meditated upon and thereby applied to one’s mind.

In Conclusion

We hope that presenting this detailed introduction gives the reader sufficient background information to be able to appreciate the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra in an historical perspective. Although this text has been taught, re-interpreted and expounded upon for centuries by hundreds of teachers from various lineages, Paltrül Rinpoche stands head and shoulders above them all. As a leading exponent of the non-sectarian movement^[467] of East Tibet in the 19th century, Paltrül Rinpoche studied and mastered all the major Indian and Tibetan commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. His eclectic knowledge has been preserved in the written commentaries of his personal students and in the unbroken oral explanation lineage that is still transmitted to this present day.

From the written reports of his students and the surviving folklore concerning him, we can surmise that Paltrül Rinpoche’s open-mindedness, acute analytical skills, profound understanding and impressive gift for synthesis made his teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra the most complete and perceptive ever given on this scripture.

Among the written commentaries on Paltrül Rinpoche’s teachings, Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary best captures Paltrül Rinpoche’s interpretation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra according to the practice lineage of the Nyingma School. This commentary, however, is not self-explanatory and was never meant to be studied alone. This is a treatise that requires careful explanation from qualified Buddhist scholars.

The great scholars at Śrī Siṃha Shedra, such as Khenpo Kunpal, Batur Khenpo Thubga, Khenpo Pentse and Khenpo Chöga, are eminently qualified exponents of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra explanation lineage, a lineage that can be traced back for over a thousand years to India, the land of its origin. From the 8th century until this very day, a vital and uninterrupted tradition of devotion, study and commentary has been maintained on this most seminal of sacred Buddhist texts.

Footnotes and references:

[1]:

For comments on the poetic quality of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, see The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, a new translation, pages xxxviii-xxxix.

[2]:

The Buddhist monastery and university of Nālandā was established by King Śaurāditya, also known as Kumāragupta I (ca. 415-455) and was destroyed by Muslim invaders in 1197. Nālandā University was the most famous institution of Buddhist education in medieval India.

[3]:

bshad brgyud

[4]:

A shedra [bshad grva], literally ‘the section for teaching’, is the section of a monastery devoted to the study of the five major and minor sciences, primarily Buddhist philosophy as taught in the tripiṭaka [sde snod gsum] and the Tangyur. In a major monastery of East Tibet, monks had the opportunity to specialize in ritual practice, meditation practice, administration or scholarly pursuits. Not every monastery in East Tibet had a shedra, but those shedras that were developed followed a very strict curriculum, with a series of texts that were to be studied and mastered in a particular order and within a certain time-frame.

The five major sciences [rig gnas che ba lnga] include the science of arts [bzo rig gnas], medical science [gso ba’i rig gnas], the science of linguistics [sgra’i rig gnas], the science of logic [gtan tshigs kyi rig gnas] and the inner science of Buddhist philosophy [nang don rig pa]. To be learned in the inner science means that one is learned in both sūtra and tantra. The first four of these sciences are also called the ’four common sciences’ [thun mong gi rig gnas bzhi]. The five minor sciences [rig gnas chung ba lnga] consist of poetics [snyan ngag], synonymics [mngon brjod], prosody [sdeb sbyor], drama [zlos gar] and astrology [skar rtsis]. More details on the history of different East Tibetan shedras can be found later in the text.

[5]:

Paltrül Orgyen Jigme Chökyi Wangpo [dpal sprul o rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po], known as Paltrül Rinpoche. For biographical notes see Masters of Meditation (pages 201-210), dpal sprul rnam thar. Further information was obtained from Enlightened Vagabond.

[6]:

Masters such as Mipham Rinpoche [mi pham rin po che], Thubten Chökyi Drakpa [thub bstan chos kyi grags pa], Khenpo Kunpal [mkhan po kun dpal], Zhechen Gyaltsab Pema Namgyal [zhe chen rgyal tshab padma rnam rgyal], Mewa Sönam Chödrup and others.

[7]:

Khenpo Kunpal had several names, including Gegong Khenpo Kunpal [dge gong mkhan po kun dpal], Kunzang Palden [kun bzang dpal ldan] and Thubten Kunzang Chödrak [thub bstan kun bzang chos grags]. Some sources give his birth date as 1862, while others say he lived from 1870-1940. Since Paltrül Rinpoche passed away in 1887, the birth date of 1862 seems more likely. Khenpo Kunpal was also a student of Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu and studied for many years at Śrī Siṃha Shedra of Dzogchen Monastery. For biographical notes see Masters of Meditation, pages 258-259 and page 375, footnote 286. According to kaḥ thog lo rgyus, page 145, Khenpo Kunpal lived to the age of 82.

[8]:

byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa’i tshig ’grel ’jam dbyangs bla ma’i zhal lung bdud rtsi’i thig pa, here referred to as kun dpal ’grel pa.

[9]:

We have divided the root text and both commentaries into small sections and numbered each section. This offers the reader an easy way to work with both commentaries.

[10]:

The basic precepts or vows [sdom pa] that apply to all Buddhists are organized in seven sets, called ‘the seven categories of individual liberation’ [so thar ris bdun bdun]. These are the following: (1) a fully ordained monk [dge slong; skr. bhikṣu]; (2) a fully ordained nun [dge slong ma; skr. bhikṣunī]; (3) a monk [dge tshul; skr. śrāmaṇera]; (4) a nun [dge tshul ma skr. śrāmaṇerikā]; (5) a male lay practitioner [dge bsnyen; skr. upāsaka]; (6) a female lay practitioner [dge bsnyen ma; skr. upāsikā], and (7) a probationary nun [dge slob ma; skr. śikṣāmāṇā]. The laity or ‘householders’ must observe only the precepts of a male or female lay practitioner. Renunciates [rab tu byung ba; skr. pravajyā] are those who have voluntarily left their homes and entered into a state of homelessness. They must observe at least one set of precepts other than those for the lay practitioners. Note that we translate the Sanskrit term bhikṣu with ‘fully ordained monk’ and the term śrāmaṇera with ‘monk’—not with ‘novice’. The bhikṣu as well as the śrāmaṇera are both monks. Their status differs only in the number of precepts they must observe.

[11]:

This situation is now changing, however, as nuns and female lay practitioners are being provided greater opportunities for formal studies both in nunneries and in Buddhist universities.

[12]:

bde gshegs kyi sras po

[13]:

lus la pho-mo // na-tshod la rgan-gzhon // rigs la bzang-ngan-med-par

[14]:

As there is no certainty about the text’s original form and content, or exactly when and where it was written, some scholars argue that different parts of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra may have been written by different authors or even a group of authors, which would account for the sometimes disjointed nature of the text. The legend that Śāntideva alone was the author serves to instill confidence in the Buddhist reader that the entire text is the voice of one single great master and thus inspires faith in the author and his work. In addition to the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, Tibetan scholars ascribe the authorship of two further treatises, the Śikṣāsamuccaya and the Sūtra-samuccaya, to Śāntideva. For an English translation of the Śikṣāsamuccaya, see Compendium of Buddhist Doctrine. In the fifth chapter Khenpo Kunpal clearly ascribes the Śikṣā-samuccaya [bslab btus / bslab pa kun las btus pa] and a Sūtra-samuccaya [mdo btus / mdo kun las btus pa] to Śāntideva. Khenpo Chöga comments that Śāntideva’s Sūtra-samuccaya has been lost and only his Śikṣā-samuccaya is found in the Tangyur (Peking No. 5336). Khenpo Kunpal further mentions the Sūtra-samuccaya and a Śikṣā-samuccaya written by Nāgārjuna. Khenpo Chöga comments that Nāgārjuna’s Śikṣā-samuccaya has been lost while Nāgārjuna’s Sūtra-samuccaya is preserved in the Tangyur (Peking No. 5330). See, kun dpal ’grel pa (si khron mi rigs edition), page 413.

[15]:

See Weiterwirken des Werkes, page 29, by Siglinde Dietz, who notes that a more precise date than the first half of the 8th century cannot be determined.

[16]:

vibhūti dgongs ’grel, page 236. For the French translation of this short biography, see La Légende de Śāntideva. We give a English translation from the Tibetan in Khenpo Chöga’s commentary to text section 93.

[17]:

This Sanskrit version of Śāntideva’s biography was translated into French by Amalia Pezzali in Śāntideva mystique bouddhiste and into German by Dagma Benner in Zum Leben des Śāntideva.

[18]:

La Légende de Śāntideva, page 177.

[19]:

Butön Rinchen Drup [bu ston rin chen grub] divided the legend of Śāntideva into seven amazing episodes [ngo mtshar can gyi gtam bdun] in his famous History of Buddhism, pages 161166, written in 1322. For a French translation of only this part of Butön’s text, see Śāntideva mystique bouddhiste, pages 4-11.

[20]:

Sazang Mati Panchen Jamyang Lodro [sa bzang ma ti pan chen ’jam dbyangs blo gros], also known as Lodro Gyaltsen [blo gro rgyal mtshan] (1294-1376), wrote a short biography of Śāntideva in the introduction to his commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryavatara. See sa bzang ’grel chen, folios 15b2-18b3.

[21]:

Sönam Gyaltsen Pal Zangpo [bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po] (1312-1374) included a biography of Śāntideva in his commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryavatara that closely followed Vibhūticandra’s version of Śāntideva’s biography. See bsod nams rgyal mtshan ’grel pa, folios 4a6b.

[22]:

Another account of Śāntideva’s life can be found among the life stories of the eighty-four mahā-siddhas. These stories are said to have been orally transmitted by the Indian scholar Mijigpa Jinpa Pal [mi ’jigs pa sbyin pa dpal] to the Tibetan monk and translator Möndrub Sherab [dge slong smon ’grub shes rab]. See grub thob rnam thar, folios 86a5-91a5. For an English translation see Masters of Mahamudra, pages 223-228.

[23]:

In 1565, one year before his death, Pawo Tsuglak Trengwa [dpa’ bo gtsug lag phreng ba] (1504-1566) wrote a very extensive commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryavatara. He used Vibhūticandra’s biography of Śāntideva as well as Butön’s version. See gtsug lag ’grel chen, folios 3a-5a.

[24]:

See Tāranātha’s History of Buddhism, pages 215-220. For a French translation, see Śāntideva mystique bouddhiste, pages 11-18.

[25]:

See dpag bsam ljon bzang, page 103. For a French translation, see Śāntideva mystique bouddhiste, pages 18-20.

[26]:

In 1787, the great Gelukpa Lama Tsechok Ling Yongdzin Yeshe Gyaltsen [tshe mchog gling yongs ’dzin ye shes rgyal mtshan] compiled two volumes with the biographies of all the lineage masters of the Lam Rim tradition, known as the graded stages tradition. See lam rim bla brgyud, pages 292.1-300.3. Yeshe Gyaltsen was the tutor [yongs ‘dzin] of the Eighth Dalai Lama. For details on Yeshe Gyaltsen’s life and work see Among Tibetan Texts, pages 171-176.

[27]:

See mkhas btsun bzang po Vol. I, pages 496-504. This version is a copy of Śāntideva’s life story as recorded in grub thob rnam thar.

[28]:

Bodhicitta has two aspects: compassion [snying rje] and knowledge [shes rab]. Compassion focuses on benefiting others [snying rjes gzhan don la dmigs pa] through the mental commitment [dam bca’ ba]: “I will free all beings from their sufferings.” Knowledge focuses on perfect enlightenment [shes rab kyis rdzogs byang la dmigs pa] through the mental commitment: “I will establish all sentient beings on the level of perfect enlightenment.” Note that according to Paltrül Rinpoche’s tradition, compassion and loving-kindness [byams pa] by themselves are not bodhicitta; rather, they are the basis on which bodhicitta is developed.

[29]:

The six transcendental perfections or pāramitās [pha rol tu phyin pa drug] are generosity [sbyin pa; dāna], discipline [tshul khrims; skr. śīla], patience [bzod pa; skr. kṣānti], diligence [brtson ’grus; skr. vīra], concentration [bsam gtan; skr. dhyāna], and knowledge [shes rab; skr. prajñā].

[30]:

The term ‘textbook’ [gzhung] used in many contexts throughout this work refers to books that form the core curricula for the study of Buddhist philosophy and practice, such as ‘the thirteen great textbooks of Indian origin’ [gzhung chen bcu gsum] and ‘the eighteen famous textbooks’ [grags chen bco brgyad] and so on. These collections will be described later on.

[31]:

Prajñā can also be translated as ’discriminative awareness’, ’intellect’,’higher knowledge’, ‘wisdom’ or ‘wisdom-knowledge’.

[32]:

byang chub sems kyi phan yon bshad pa, 36 stanzas. Stanzas 1-4 cover the introduction and stanzas 4-36 deal with the actual topic of the first chapter.

[33]:

sdig pa bshags pa, 65 stanzas. When the term bshags pa appears in the phrase mthol zhing bshags pa, it means ‘to acknowledge and lay aside’. One acknowledges [mthol ba] one’s misdeeds and speaks out [brjod pa] without hiding [mi sbed pa]. Once one has acknowledged one’s negative deeds [sdig pa], one lays them aside [bshags pa]. For a detailed analysis of the term, see Illuminator.

[34]:

byang chub kyi sems yongs su gzung ba, 33.5 stanzas.

[35]:

bag yod bstan pa, 48 stanzas.

[36]:

shes bzhin bsrung bar bya ba, 109 stanzas.

[37]:

bzod pa bstan pa, 134 stanzas.

[38]:

brtson ’grus bstan pa, 76 stanzas.

[39]:

bsam gtan bstan pa, 187 stanzas.

[40]:

shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa, 167 stanzas.

[41]:

bsngo ba, 57.5 stanzas.

[42]:

kṛṣṇa dka’ gnas, page 187.3.1-2

[43]:

See bu ston ’grel chen, page 195.

[44]:

phyi ’gyur gsar ma. The Later Translation Period or the ’later spreading’ [phyi dar] began at the time of Rinchen Zangpo under the royal patronage of Lha Lama Yeshe Ö [lha bla ma ye shes ’od], one of the kings of the Ngari Khorsum [mnga’ ris ’khor gsum] region. At that time many great paṇḍitas and masters such as Atiśa came from India and Nepal to Tibet. Tibetan translators such as Marpa Lotsawa went to India and brought many new texts and traditions to Tibet. This stream of new texts and teachings lasted until the time of the great translator Zhalu Lotsawa [zhva lu lo tsā ba chos skyong bzang po] (1444-1529). For a detailed analysis of this period, see the chapter on the ’History Surrounding the Revisions’ in The Thirty Verses.

[45]:

According to the chapter on the ‘Three Revisions of the Tibetan Language’ in The Thirty Verses, “In the period from 750 A.D. to 1000 A.D., there is a variation in the dating of events among the most reliable of Tibetan sources by as much as 60 years.” According to Tibetan Empire, page 227, the dates for srong btsan sgam po are 618-641.

[46]:

According to Tibetan Empire, page 228, khri srong lde btsan reigned during the second half of the 8th century, 756-797.

[47]:

According to Tibetan Empire, page 228, Ralpachen [ral pa can], also known as Tritsug Detsen [khri gtsug lde bstan], reigned circa 815-836.

[48]:

rin chen bzang po

[49]:

snga ’gyur rnying ma pa

[50]:

phyi ’gyur gsar ma

[51]:

Students of Tibetan texts should be aware that three great revisions took place in Tibet. With each revision the spelling and terminology was modified. Consequently, these changes had an impact on the way texts can be interpreted. The different translation stages of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra are closely linked with these revisions. The term ’revision’, ’revised language’, or ’revision of language’ [skad gsar bcad pa] refers to the modifications that translators added to the great grammarian Thumi Sambhoṭa’s (7th century) original system over the centuries with regard to orthography, standardization of translation terminology, and the incorporation of newly-defined translation terminology. During the reign of Mutig Tsenpo [mu tig btsan po], King Trisong Detsen’s youngest son, the first official attempt to standardize the terminology of translations was made and is known as the ’first language revision’ [skad gsar bcad dang po]. Under the reign of Tri Ralpachen, most Buddhist texts had already been translated, but since inconsistencies regarding the translation terminology existed, he had them corrected, and this became known as the ‘second language revision’ [skad gsar bcad gnyis pa]. The first two revisions fall under the Early Translation Period. In the 11th century, many masters such as Atiśa (982-1054) came to Tibet. Also during that time many new texts were brought from India, Nepal, and Kashmir to Tibet. This was the beginning of the Later Translation Period. While the standardization process begun during the first two revisons continued, a flood of new tantras brought many new terms to Tibet. Many translations from the Early Translation Period were again revised. This period, which lasted from the time of Rinchen Zangpo [rin chen bzang po] to Mahāpaṇḍita Rongzompa Dharmabhadra [rong zom pa dharma bhadra] (1012-1088), is known as the ‘third language revision’ [skad gsar bcad gsum pa], although some scholars argue that the third revision period lasted for as long as new texts came pouring in from India and Nepal. While the first translation of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra by Kawa Paltsek [ska ba dpal brtsegs] falls into the second revision period, the second translation by Rinchen Zangpo, and the third translation by Ngok Loden Sherab [rngog blo ldan shes rab] fall into the third revision period. For a detailed discussion of these three revisions, see the chapter called the ’Three Revisions of the Tibetan Language’ in The Thirty Verses.

[52]:

The ‘Second Tome on Grammatical Composition’ [sgra sbyor bam po gnyis pa] was compiled at the time of King Ralpachen by great Indian scholars, such as Paṇḍita Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi, Śīlendrabodhi, Dānaśila and by Tibetan translators, such as Kawa Paltsek, Chokro Lui Gyaltsen [cog ro klu’i rgyal mtshan], and Zhang Yeshe De [zhang ye shes sde]. This composition was compiled as a set of guidelines designed to facilitate exact translation of the sūtras and tantras from Sanskrit and other languages into the Tibetan language. See The Thirty Verses, ’The Need for the Revisions, The Tome of Grammatical Composition’.

[53]:

The great glossary of terms known as Mahāvyutpatti [bye brag rtogs byed] lists Sanskrit terms followed by their standardized Tibetan equivalents. It was created at the time of Tri Ralpachen by many Indian scholars and great Tibetan translators, such as Kawa Paltsek, Chokro Lui Gyaltsen [cog ro klu’i rgyal mtshan], and Zhang Yeshe De [zhang ye shes sde]. Thus, a standardized dharma terminology was established during the Early Translation Period. See From bKa’ bstan bcos to bKa’ ’gyur, pages 89-90.

[54]:

According to Tibetan Empire, page 228, Langdarma, also known as Tri’u Dumtsen [khri ’udum btsan], reigned from 838-842.

[55]:

During the time of King Langdarma [glang dar ma], when the great Tibetan empire fell apart and translation of Buddhist texts ceased in Tibet, Indian scholars and Tibetan translators left the country, and Buddhist texts were hidden in caves and in the households of lay people in order to preserve them. Monastic centers were systematically dismantled, but the practice of tantra continued among lay practitioners. Langdarma was assassinated in 842 by Palgyi Dorje [dpal gyi rdo rje]. See From bKa’ bstan bcos to bKa’ ’gyur, pages 93-95.

[56]:

grags pa rgyal mthsan

[57]:

chos rgyal ’phags pa

[58]:

bu ston rin chen grub. For biographical notes, see Life of Bu ston.

[59]:

bka’ ’gyur. The Peking Kangyur consists of 45 volumes: vols. 1-11 rgyud; vols. 12-21 sher phyin; vols. 22-24 dkon brtsegs; vols. 25-26 phal chen; vols. 27-40 mdo sna tshogs; and vols. 4145 ’dul ba. Both sūtras and tantras are considered to be the direct words of the Buddha [sangs rgyas kyi bka’].

[60]:

bstan ’gyur. The Peking Tangyur consists of volumes 46-150: vol. 46 bstod tshogs; vols. 46-87 rgyud ’grel; vols. 88-150 mdo ’grel. Appendices: vol. 151 dkar chag; vol. 152-165 extra (btsong kha pa / lcang skya); and vol. 165-168 catalogue.

[61]:

For an overview on this complex topic, see Introductory Remarks, pages 1-12; Structure of the Tibetan Kanjur, pages 57-72; and From bKa’ bstan bcos to bKa’ ’gyur, pages 87-111.

[62]:

For this work we have used a reprint of the Peking Kangyur and Tangyur as prepared in 1737 under the Qianlong emperor. This modern photographic reprint of the Peking edition was reprinted and catalogued between 1955 and 1961 and published as The Tibetan Tripitaka.

[63]:

Madhyamaka, dbu ma, Peking, vols. 95-103.

[64]:

See Life of Bu ston, page 33. Ruegg also observes on pages 20-21: “It is thus evident that by the beginning of the fourteenth century the number of Sūtra and Śāstra works available in Tibetan was very considerable and that the time was ripe for collecting them together, the more so as the flow of new texts from India had considerably decreased since the twelfth century following the Muslim invasions of India and the virtual disappearance of Buddhism from the land of its origin. This almost complete severance of relations with India was a particularly important event in the history of Tibetan Buddhism which had hitherto been a most faithful follower of the fully developed Indian Buddhism. Thus, whereas the compilation of the Sūtra texts into a canon had been for long feasible, the collection and edition of the commentaries for which Bu ston is renowned would scarcely have been conceivable had authoritative new works been continuing to flow into Tibet from India in the same quantity as before.”

[65]:

sher ’byung bka’ ’grel

[66]:

shes rab ’byung gnas blo gros. For the Sanskrit edition by Louis De La Vallée Poussin, see Prajñā-karamati’s commentary.

[67]:

Louis de la Vallée Poussin used this fragment for his edition of Prajñākaramati’s Pañjikā and refered to this text as Bodhicaryāvatāra-ṭippānī. This text was discovered in the Durbar Library in Kathmandu, Nepal, by Professor Cecil Bendall.

[68]:

The only exception in the Peking Tangyur is Tsongkhapa’s commentary. See blo bzang grags pa sher ’grel, Peking No. 6133, added under extra in vol. 153.

[69]:

See Bodhicaryāvatāra edited by Minayev (alternative spellings: Minayeff and Minaev).

[70]:

See the introduction in Prajñākaramati’s commentary: “As concerns the text of the Bodhicaryāvatāra, I have used the edition of Minaev and his critical apparatus, together with the two MSS. in Paris (Devanāgarī 78, Burnouf 98, call Dev. and Burn).”

[71]:

The Bodhicaryāvatāra, a new translation, page xli: “De la Vallée Poussin had the advantage of utilizing Minaev’s work and taking account of Prajñākaramati’s explanation, a source of correction not available to Minaev.” In 1960 P.L. Vaidya published his edition of the Bodhicaryāvatāra of Śāntideva with the Commentary Pañjikā of Prajñā-karamati. Also in 1960 Vidhushekhara Bhattacharya published an edition of the Bodhicaryāvatāra. In 1988 Dwaraka Das Shastri published his edition of the Bodhicaryāvatāra and Prajñākaramati’s commentary.

[72]:

The current Sanskrit version is entitled ‘Bodhicaryāvatāra’. All Tibetan translations are entitled ‘Bodhisattva-caryavatara’ [byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ‘jug pa], often abbreviated to ‘Caryavatara’ [spyod ‘jug]. Bodhisattva-caryavatara seems to be the original title of the text, a conclusion supported by the manuscripts found in 1900 in the Tun-huang caves in China. Note that all Tibetan translations of the text and many of its commentaries give the spelling ‘bodhisatva’ instead of ‘bodhisattva’. The most obvious explanation is that Sanskrit grammar allows duplication of consonants. From this point of view there is no significant difference between the two forms of spelling.

According to Tony Duff, Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche explained ‘satva’ as the correct spelling for the Tibetan term dpa’ bo, meaning hero or warrior, as used in byang chub sems dpa’. Khenpo Kunpal defines bodhisattva in text section 144 this way: “In order to attain this (bodhi), the (bodhisattva) is courageous, since his mind does not shy away from conduct that is difficult to do, such as sacrificing his head and limbs to others. Therefore, he is a satva, a ’hero’,” [de-nyid ’thob-pa’i ched-du dbu dang yan-lag gzhan la gtong-ba sogs bya-dka’-ba’i-spyod-pas sems-mizhum-par dpa’-bas-na sems-dpa’ ste]. He elaborates further in text section 158: “Bodhisattva means a hero whose mind does not shy away from accomplishing enlightenment through developing supreme bodhicitta as the motivation and through endeavoring in the practice of the six transcendental perfections as the application,” [bsam-pa byang-chub-mchog-tu-semsbskyed-cing sbyor-ba phyin-drug gi nyams-len la brtson-pas byang-chub sgrub-pa la sems mizhum-par dpa’-ba dang]. Khenpo Chöga interprets satva as sems dpa’ bo, ‘hero of mind’.

Har Dayal states in his Bodhisattva Doctrine, page 7: “Sattva may be a wrongly Sanskritized form of the Pāli word satta, which may correspond to Skr. sakta. Thus Pāli bodhisatta, from which the Sanskrit word is derived, would mean bodhi-sakta, ‘one who is devoted or attached to bodhi’.” And, on page 9: “It is almost certainly related to the Vedic word satvan, which means ‘Krieger’, ‘a strong or valiant man, hero, warrior’. In this way, we can also understand the final dpa’ in the Tibetan equivalent. Satta in Pāli bodhisatta should be interpreted as ‘heroic being, spiritual warrior’.” Kajiyama gives seven meanings of the word satva in his paper Bodhisattva and Mahāsattva. He points out that the Tibetan word sems dpa’ for ‘sattva’ combines the meaning ‘mind’ [sems] and ‘courage’ [dpa’].

[73]:

ka ba dpal brtsegs

[74]:

See kun dpal ’grel pa (si khron mi rigs edition), pages 133-134.

[75]:

rgya gar gyi mkhan po sarva jñana deva dang zhu chen gyi lo tsa ba bande dpal brtsegs kyis kha che’i dpe las zhus te gtan la phab pa las. The colophon of the Tun-huang manuscript of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, St. 629, reads: rgya gar gyi mkhan po sar va jña deva dang zhu chen gyi lo tsa ba ban ’de dpal brtsegs kyis bsgyur cing zhus te gtan la phab pa’o. Note that the colophon of St. 629 does not state that Paltsek (translated), edited and finalized (this text) based on editions from Kashmir as the colophon of the third translation stage by Ngok Loden Sherab does.

[76]:

The lDan dkar ma Catalogue, named after the stong thang ldan dkar gyi pho brang, was compiled by Kawa Paltsek [ska ba dpal brtsegs] and Namkhai Nyingpo [nam mkha’i snying po] during the reign of King Trisong Detsen (756-797). It lists all available translations at the time. Some sources attribute the catalogue to the time of Tri Ralpachen (815-838). See Life of Bu ston, page 19. See also A Study of Akṣayamati, page 16.

[77]:

See Life of Bu ston, page 19: “G. Tucci, Minor Buddhist Texts II, p. 46 n. 1, however, considers that this catalogue was composed during the reign of Khri lde srong btsan, probably in 812, while the Mahāyvutpatti was composed in 814.”

[78]:

byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa / śloka drug brgya ste / bam po gnyis, in Akira Saito, A Study of Akṣayamati, page 16. Bampo [bam po] refers to the ancient binding system of palm leaves bundled together by using a thread passed through holes in the manuscript’s leaves.

[79]:

’Central Land’ or ’Northern India Proper’, yul dbus, skr. madhyadeśa. Buddhists consider the places of Buddha’s activities to be the ‘Central Land’ [yul dbus] and all other surrounding areas as non-central. According to Words of My Perfect Teacher, pages 22-23, one should distinguish between a geographically central land [sa tshigs kyi yul dbus] and a central land in terms of the dharma [chos tshigs kyi yul dbus]. Geographically speaking, the central land is said to be the Vajra Seat [skr. vajrāsana] of Bodhgaya, India, at the center of Jambudvīpa, the Southern Continent [lho ‘dzam bu’i gling gi yul gyi dbus rgya gar rdo rje gdan], where the thousand buddhas of this Fortunate Aeon all attain enlightenment. In terms of dharma, a central land is any land where the dharma has spread. All other countries and regions are considered to be peripheral countries and regions [mtha’ ‘khob].

[80]:

slad kyis rgya gar gyi mkhan po dharma sri bhadra dang / zhu chen gyi lo tsa ba bande rin chen bzang po dang / sakya blo gros kyis yul dbus kyi dpe ’grel pa dang mthun par bcos shing bsgyur te gtan la phab pa’o /

[81]:

spyod ’jug rtsa ba, page 262.2.6, reads bal po’i paṇḍita sumatikīrti. Also sa bzang ’grel chen, page 443.4, reads bal po’i paṇḍita sumatikīrti.

[82]:

yang dus phyis rgya gar gyi mkhan po su ma ti kirti dang / zhu chen gyi lo tsa ba dge slong blo ldan shes rab kyis dag par bcos shing bsgyur te legs par gtan la phab pa’o //

[83]:

spyod ’jug rtsa ba, Peking No. 5272.

[84]:

See Bodhisattva Way of Life, page 8.

[85]:

See bu ston ’grel chen, page 601: rgya dpe dang ’grel pa dang mi mthun pa mang po snang yang / rngog ’gyur bzang ma zhig ’bad de btsal yang mi rnyed pas. This colophon of Butön’s Bodhisattva-caryavatara commentary has been researched by Akira Saito, Bu ston and the sPyod ’jug. See also A Study of Akṣayamati, pages 26-27.

[86]:

See A Study of Akṣayamati, page 18: “It is, however, highly probable that this story, introduced by Bu-ston and Tāranātha, was created much later than Śāntideva’s age, whether in India or in Tibet, for the purpose of authorizing the version of 1000 śloka-s.”

[87]:

See bu ston chos ’byung, page 167.

[88]:

gzungs, skr. dhāraṇī, here has the connotation of gzungs spobs, which means ’complete recall’, ’perfect confidence’ and ’perfect recall’ (annotation by Tony Duff).

[89]:

See Akira Saito, A Study of Akṣayamati, page 13; Tibetan manuscripts, pages 196-198, text St. 628, St. 629, St. 630; Inventaire des Manuscritps, page 174, text Pt. 794.

[90]:

When Stein first arrived at Tun-huang in 1907, he learned about a secret library that had been discovered in one of the many caves in the Valley of the Thousand Buddhas in 1900 by a Chinese Taoist priest called Wang Yuan-lu. This hidden library was walled up in a Buddhist cave-temple during the early 11th century (ca. 1015 or 1035) and remained untouched for 900 years until it was discovered by Wang. These fragments from Tun-huang are at present the oldest extant Tibetan language versions of the Bodhisattva-caryavatara.

[91]:

See Devils On The Silk Road and Pioneer Of The Silk Road.

[92]:

Saito prepared a critical edition of the Tun-huang manuscripts of the Bodhisattva caryavatara. He so far has edited chapters 1, 2, 6, 7, and 8, using the text St. 628. See Study of Akṣayamati and Study of the Dūn-hūang recension.

[93]:

See Akira Saito, A Study of Akṣayamati, page 20.

[94]:

See colophon in St. 629, A Study of Akṣayamati page 14: “The Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, written by ācārya Akṣayamati, has been finished.” The Tibetan manuscript reads: [byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa // slobs dpon Blo-gros-myi-zad-pas mdzad pa rdzogs s-ho]. And furthermore, the colophon of St. 629 continues, A Study of Akṣayamati page 18: “An Indian scholar Sarvajñadeva, and a Tibetan translator, Buddhist priest, dPal-brtsegs, translated, edited and completed [the text in Tibetan].” The Tibetan manuscript reads: [rgya gar gyi mkhan po sar va jña deva dang zhu chen gyi lo tsa ba ban ’de dpal brtsegs kyis bsgyur cing zhus te gtan la phab pa’o].

[95]:

For the discussion on Śāntideva [zhi ba lha] and Akṣayamati [blo gros mi zad pa], see A Study of Akṣayamati pages 20-22. Tshechok Ling Yongdzin Yeshe Gyaltshan [tshe mchog gling yongs ’dzin ye shes rgyal mtshan] (1713-1793) does not hesitate to say in his lam rim bla brgyud, page 291.6, that Akṣayamati is an epithet for Śāntideva [‘di’i blo gros mi zad pa zhes pa rgyal sras zhi ba lha’i mtshan gyi rnam grangs yin no].

[96]:

For an analysis of Peking No. 5280 and No. 5281, see Suvarṇadvīpa’s Commentaries.

[97]:

paṇḍita mi mnyam khol po

[98]:

blo ldan shes rab

[99]:

See A Study of Akṣayamati, pages 57-85.

[100]:

See The Bodhicaryāvatāra, a new translation, page xxxi and A Study of Akṣayamati.

[101]:

P’u t’i hsing ching, Taisho No. 1662, vol. 32, 543c-562a

[102]:

See Weiterwirken des Werkes, page 31.

[103]:

Chökyi Özer [chos kyi ’od zer]. See Quellenbezug Eines Mongolischen Tanjurtextes. In this treatise, Weller compares the Mongolian translation with various Tibetan sources. He concludes that the Mongolian translation must have been based on several Tibetan sources, although the colophon of the Mongolian translation states that Chökyi Özer translated the Bodhisattva caryavatara from the Indian language (most likely Sanskrit). See Quellenbezug Eines Mongolischen Tanjurtextes, page 42.

[104]:

For details on the translation history of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra into Western languages, see Buddhist Literature, pages 262-353.

[105]:

Peking vol. 100

[106]:

The Bodhisattva-caryavatara root text, spyod ’jug rtsa ba, is found in Peking No. 5272, vol. 99.

[107]:

snar thang

[108]:

zha lu

[109]:

dkar chag nor bu rin chen dbang gi rgyal po’i phreng ba

[110]:

For a detailed analysis of all 10 Indian commentaries see Weiterwirken des Werkes by Siglinde Dietz, pages 35-38; A Study of Akṣayamati by Akira Saito, pages 22-23; and Altruism and Reality, pages 3-5.

[111]:

shes rab ’byung gnas blo gros

[112]:

mar pa chos kyi dbang phyug

[113]:

gnyan dar ma grags pa

[114]:

yon tan rgya mtsho

[115]:

The Sanskrit text was first edited by Louis de la Vallée Poussin. See the introduction in Prajñākaramati’s commentary: “The text of the Bodhicaryāvatāra-pañjikā is preserved in two MSS, now forming part of the collection of the Government of Bengal at Calcutta, both acquired by Professor Haraprasād Śāstrī. The first is in the Nepalese character and contains (with several large lacunae) the whole of the work. (Except the tenth chapter) The second, in Maithili character, contains only the commentary on the ninth chapter.” Further editions of Prajñākaramati’s Sanskrit commentary were made by P.L. Vaidya and Dwaraka Das Shastri.

[116]:

For biographical notes on Prajñākaramati, see Tāranātha’s History of Buddhism, pages 296-297 and mkhas btsun bzang po Vol. I, page 246.

[117]:

The Six Paṇḍitas of the Gates [mkhas pa’i sgo drug] or the Six Gatekeeper Paṇḍitas was an honorary title for the principal teachers at Vikramaśīla University during the reign of King Canaka of the Pāla dynasty. They were responsible for specific disciplines and required anyone seeking admission as a student to engage with one of them in debate. Lists of the Six Gatekeepers are mentioned in Tāranātha’s History of Buddhism and the Blue Annals. According to Tāranātha’s History of Buddhism, page 295, Prajñākaramati was the keeper of the Southern Gate; according to the Blue Annals, page 206, he was the keeper of the Western Gate. For further details, see also Crystal Mirror Vol. VI, pages 109-111.

[118]:

shes rab

[119]:

A Study of Akṣayamati by Akira Saito, pages 57-85.

[120]:

kṛṣṇa / nag po pa, lived from the end of the 10th until the middle of the 11th century. See Life of Kṛṣṇācārya, page 144.

[121]:

chos kyi grags pa

[122]:

paṇḍita mi mnyam khol po

[123]:

blo ldan shes rab

[124]:

li ston rdo rje rgyal mtshan

[125]:

See Study of Akṣayanati, pages 57-85.

[126]:

Dharmapāla, the master from Suvarṇadvīpa [gser gling gi bla ma chos skyong], is also known as Dharmakīrti from Suvarṇadvīpa [gser gling pa chos kyi grags pa].

[127]:

lo tsa ba tshul khrim rgyal ba

[128]:

tshul khrims rgyal ba

[129]:

gtso bo’i don bcu gcig bsdus pa

[130]:

Sönam Tsemo [bsod nams rtse mo] wrote a famous commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See bsod nams rtse mo ’grel pa. He was a direct student of Chawa Chö Seng [phya ba chos seng] (1109-1169) and based his commentary on his teacher Chawa Chö Seng’s commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See gangs can mkhas grub rim byon ming mdzod, page 1069.

[131]:

Lhopa Kunkhyen Rinchen Pal [lho pa kun mkhyen rin chen dpal] was a direct student of Sakya Paṇḍita Kunga Gyaltshen [sa skya paṇḍita kun dga’ rgyal mtshan] (1182-1251), from whom he received detailed teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. He wrote his commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra as a synopsis [zin bris] of the teachings he had received from Sakya Paṇḍita. See zin bris ’jam dpal zhal lung.

[132]:

Ngülchu Thogme Zangpo [dngul chu thogs med bzang po] wrote a famous commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. According to Khenpo Ape, the three—Butön [bu ston], Lama Dampa Sönam Gyaltsen Pal Zangpo [bla ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po] and Ngülchu Thogme Zangpo [dngul chu thogs med bzang po]—were students and teachers of each other. See the introduction to dngul chu thogs med ’grel pa as well as dngul chu thogs med rnam thar, page 15.

[133]:

In 1338 Butön [bu ston] wrote his famous commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See bu ston ’grel chen.

[134]:

In 1338 Lama Dampa Sönam Gyaltsen Pal Zangpo [bla ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po] wrote a famous commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See bsod nams rgyal mtshan ’grel pa.

[135]:

Sazang Mati Penchen Jamyang Lodro [sa bzang ma ti paṇ chen ’jam dbyangs blo gros], also known as Lodro Gyaltshen [blo gros rgyal mtshan], wrote a famous commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See sa bzang ’grel chen. He was a direct student of Lama Dampa Sönam Gyaltsen Pal Zangpo [bla ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po].

[136]:

Tsongkhapa Lobzang Drakpa [tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pa] wrote a famous commentary on the ninth chapter of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See blo bzang grags pa sher ’grel.

[137]:

Gyaltsab Dharma Rinchen [rgyal tshab dharma rin chen], a direct student of Rendawa [red mda’ ba] (1349-1412) and Tsongkhapa Lobzang Drakpa, wrote a famous commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See dar ṭik.

[138]:

In 1565, one year before his death, Pawo Tsuglak Trengwa [dpa’ bo gtsug lag phreng ba] wrote a very extensive commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See gtsug lag ’grel chen.

[139]:

’brug pa pad ma dkar po. See pad dkar ’bru ’grel.

[140]:

Ju Mipham Jamyang Namgyal [‘ju mi pham ’jam dbyangs rnam rgyal] received teachings from Paltrül Rinpoche on the chapter concerning transcendental knowledge and shortly thereafter, in 1878, wrote a commentary to this chapter. See nor bu ke ta ka. Then, in 1889, Mipham Rinpoche wrote a refutation of the objections raised by the Gelukpa Tragkar Tulku [brag dkar sprul sku] from Drepung [‘bras spungs] against his commentary nor bu ke ta ka. See brgal lan nyin byed snang ba (brag dkar brgal lan). Around 1892, Mipham wrote another refutation of the objections to his interpretation raised by the Gelukpa Palriwa Lobzang Rabsel [dpal ri ba blo bzang rab gsal]. See gzhan gyis brtsad pa’i lan mdor bsdus pa (rab gsal brgal lan). During the years 1878 and 1880 Mipham Rinpoche engaged in a public debate on the ninth chapter of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra with the famous scholar Japa Do-Ngag [‘ja’ pa mdo sngags] of the New Translation School. The debate lasted for several days during which Paltrül Rinpoche acted as the referee. For further details about the debate as well as about Mipham Rinpoche’s life and work, see Beacon of Certainty, pages 19-39; Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, pages 869-880; Among Tibetan Texts, pages 227-233; Reflexive Nature of Awareness; and Werke des Mipham rnam-rgyal.

[141]:

Gyakung Khenpo Zhenga [rgya bskung mkhan po gzhan dga’], also known as Khenpo Chökyi Nangwa [mkhan po chos kyi snang ba], was a student of Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu [dbon u rgyan bstan ’dzin nor bu] with whom he studied for thirteen years and from whom he received the oral explanation lineage of Paltrül Rinpoche. Based on these teachings, he wrote his famous ’annotation commentary’ [mchan ’grel] on the ‘thirteen great textbooks’ [gzhung chen bcu gsum] of Indian origin, including the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See spyod ’jug ’mchan ’grel.

[142]:

Thubten Chökyi Drakpa [thub bstan chos kyi grags pa], born in the 19th century, also known as Minyag Kunzang Sönam [mi nyag kun bzang bsod nams], was a direct student of Paltrül Rinpoche and wrote three commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See mi nyag kun bzang ’grel chen, mi nyag kun bzang sher ’grel 1 and mi nyag kun bzang sher ’grel 2. An English translation of mi nyag kun bzang sher ’grel 1 was completed by the Padmakara Translation Group, see Two Buddhist Commentaries.

[143]:

mkhan po kun dpal / mkhan po kun bzang dpal ldan. See kun dpal ’grel pa.

[144]:

Zhechen Gyaltsab [zhe chen rgyal tshab], also known as Zhechen Pema Namgyal [zhe chen padma rnam rgyal], a direct student of Mipham Rinpoche, wrote two important commentaries on the ninth chapter of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. See sher le’u’i ’bru ’grel nor bu’i sgron me and shes rab le’i mchan ’grel don gsal me long.

[145]:

See sher ’grel snying po’i don gsal.

[146]:

srong btsan sgam po reigned circa 618-641.

[147]:

khri srong lde btsan reigned during the second half of the 8th century, 756-797.

[148]:

khri ral pa can reigned circa 815-838.

[149]:

bsam yas

[150]:

The fortress at Pangthang Kame [‘phang thang ka med], located in Yerpa, was built by Tride Tsuk [khri lde btsug] in the first half of the 8th century. The Blue Annals mention a flood at Pangthang during the reign of Trisong Detsen. Pangtang Kame is also the birthplace of Trisong Detsen. See From bKa’ bstan bcos to bKa’ ’gyur, page 91.

[151]:

u shang rdo’i lha khang was erected by King Ralpachen.

[152]:

Among many other paṇḍitas, five great masters [slob dpon chen po rnam lnga] were invited to Tibet during the reign of King Trisong Detsen: Padmasambhava from Oḍḍiyāna, Vimalamitra from Kashmir, the Preceptor and Bodhisattva Śāntarakṣita from Zahor (Sahor), the Indian master Kamalaśīla and the Ceylonese master Dānaśīla. See klong chen chos ’byung, pages 303. During the reign of King Tride Songtsen, the son of Trisong Detsen, six other masters are mentioned in particular: the Preceptor Prajñāvarma, Śākya Siṃha, Surendrabodhi, Jinamitra, Dānaśīla, and Vīryasiṃhakara. See klong chen chos ’byung, page 372.

[153]:

The first and most famous of the early translators were ‘the seven trial translators’ [lo tsā ba sad mi mi bdun]: Pa Mañjuśrī [dpa’ mañjuśrī], Tsangthen Lendra [rtsangs then lendra], Tren Karamute [bran karamute], Pagor Vairocana [pagor vairocana], Khön Nagenda [’khon nagendra], Tsang Devendra [rtsangs devendra], and Lang Sugata [rlangs sugata]. All of them received monks’ ordination from Śāntarakṣita. Equally famous were Kawa Paltsek [ska ba dpal brtsegs], Cokro Lui Gyaltshen [cog ro lu’i rgyal mtshan], Zhang Nanam Yeshes De [zhang sna nam ye shes sde], Ma Rinchen Chog [rma rin chen mchog], and Nyag Jñāna Kumāra [gnyags jñāna kumāra]. Minor translators included Denma Tsemang [ldan ma rtse mang], Nub Namkhay Nyingpo [snubs nam mkha’i snying po], and Acaya Yeshe Yang [acarya ye shes dbyangs]. See klong chen chos ’byung, page 304.

[154]:

See klong chen chos ’byung, page 374: mes kyi gtsug lag khang brgya rtsa brgyad bzhengs par dam bcas pa’i grangs ma tshang pa’i lhag ma rnams kha bkang /

[155]:

See klong chen chos ’byung, page 376: de’i dus chos grva chen mo gsum du khod bshams te / thos bsam blo sbyong gi grva bcu gnyis / mkhas btsun stangs ’bul gyi grva drug / smra bcad sems phyos kyi grva drug ste grva bcu gnyis la sogs pa bshams te /

[156]:

The first great centers of Buddhist scholasticism at the dawn of the Later Translation Period were Sangphu Monastery [gsang phu dgon pa] and Sakya [sa skya]. The great translator Ngok Lotsawa Loden Sherab [rngog lo tsā ba blo ldan shes rab] (1059-1109) taught extensively at Sangphu and Sakya Paṇḍita [sa skya paṇḍita] (1182-1251) at Sakya. Sangphu Monastery was founded in 1073 by Ngok Lotsawa Loden Sherab’s uncle Ngok Lekpey Sherab [rngog legs pa’i shes rab]. Sakya Monastery was established also in the year 1073 by Konchok Gyalpo [dkon mchog rgyal po].

[157]:

Mindröl Ling [smin sgrol gling] was founded in 1670 by Terdag Lingpa (1646-1714).

[158]:

Dorje Trak [rdo rje brag] was founded in 1632 by the Third Rigdzin, Ngagi Wangpo [rig ’dzin ngag gi dbang po].

[159]:

bshad grva / chos grva

[160]:

mkhas pa’i bya ba dgu

[161]:

thos bsam sgom gsum

[162]:

’chad rtsod rtsom gsum

[163]:

bshad sgrub las gsum

[164]:

bshad grva

[165]:

sgrub grva

[166]:

mkhas sgrub zung ’brel gyi lugs srol

[167]:

’jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po

[168]:

kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas

[169]:

The Vajra Seat of Kathok [kaḥ thog rdo rje gdan] was founded in 1159 by Kathok Dampa Deshek [kaḥ thog dam pa bde gshegs] (1122-1192). Mipham Rinpoche (1846-1912) charged his student Khenpo Kunpal with the task of creating a shedra [bshad grva] at Kathok. Khenpo Kunpal established this as commanded in the year 1906 [rab tshes me rta lo]. The shedra was named Shedrup Norbu Lhünpo [bshad sgrub nor bu lhun po]. See kaḥ thog lo rgyus, pages 145 and 155. Subsequently, Khenpo Ngagwang Palzang [mkhan po ngag dbang dpal bzang], also known as Khenpo Ngagchung [mkhan po ngag chung] (1879-1941), taught for five years at this shedra. See kaḥ thog lo rgyus, page 148, and Among Tibetan Texts, pages 28-29.

[170]:

Palyül Namgyal Jangchub Ling [dpal yul rnam rgyal byang chub gling] was founded in 1665 by Rigdzin Kunzang Sherab [rig ’dzin kun bzang shes rab] (1636-1698). The shedra at Palyül was created in 1922 [chu khyi lo] under the second Pema Norbu [padma nor bu] (18871932). Khenpo Ngagchung [mkhan po ngag chung] gave an initial three-day lecture as part of the opening ceremony. At the beginning only fifty monks attended the shedra. Khenpo Ngagchung studied as a young man at the Śrī Siṃha Shedra at Dzogchen and became the main khenpo at Kathok.

[171]:

Zhechen Monastery [zhe chen dar rgyas gling] was founded in 1734 [shing stag lo] by the second Rabjam Rinpoche, Gyurme Kunzang Namgyal [rab ’jams sku phreng gnyis pa ’gyur med kun bzang rnam rgyal]. According to Khenpo Chöga, it appears that the shedra at Zhechen was established much later than Śrī Siṃha Shedra.

[172]:

Dzongsar Trashi Lhatse Monastery [rdzong gsar bkra shis lha rtse’i dgon pa] was founded in 1253 by Chögyal Phakpa [chos rgyal ’phags pa] (1235-1280). The Dzongsar Shedra [rdzong gsar bshad grva] was planned by Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo [‘jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po], but it was Dzongsar Khyentse Chökyi Lodro (1893-1959), who, at the age of 26, actually founded it in 1918. The shedra was named Khamche Shedrup Dargye Ling [khams bye bshad sgrub dar rgyal gling]. He invited Khenpo Zhenga from Śrī Siṃha Shedra of Dzogchen to be the first khenpo in charge of studies. See Masters of Meditation, page 279. For further details see our chapter on the history of Dzongsar Shedra.

[173]:

Palpung Monastery [dpal spungs] was founded in 1727 by the eighth Situpa, Mahāpaṇḍita Situ Chökyi Jungne [situ paṇ chen chos kyi ’byung gnas] (1699-1774). It was Situ Pema Wangchuk Gyalpo [situ padma dbang phyug rgyal po] (1886-1952) from Palpung Monastery who requested Khenpo Zhenga (1871-1927) to write the famous annotation commentaries to all thirteen great textbooks. The annotation commentary to the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra was written by Khenpo Zhenga at Palpung monastery. Khenpo Zhenga taught the entire ‘thirteen philosophical textbooks of Indian origin’ to Situ Pema Wangchuk Gyalpo and founded at that time the shedra at Palpung Monastery.

[174]:

However, the tshig mdzod chen mo says that Dzogchen Monastery was founded in 1675.

[175]:

Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye [rgyal sras gzhan phan mtha’ yas] was considered to be an incarnation of Śāntarakṣita. He studied with the first Dodrupchen Jigme Trinley Özer [‘jigs med phrin las ’od zer], Gyalwe Nyugu [rgyal ba’i myu gu] (1765-1843), the fourth Dzogchen Rinpoche, Mingyur Namkhai Dorje, as well as Sengtruk Pema Trashi [seng phrug pad ma bkra shis] and many others.

[176]:

mi ’gyur nam mkha’i rdo rje was a direct student of the first Dodrupchen Jigme Trinley Özer. For biographical notes on Mingyur Namkhai Dorje, see Masters of Meditation, pages 174-178. Among his students were Paltrül Rinpoche, Adzom Drugpa, Mipham Rinpoche, and Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye.

[177]:

Sengtruk Pema Trashi [seng phrug pad ma bkra shis], also known as Pema Trashi [padma bkra shis], studied as a young man for 15-20 years at Mindröl Ling Monastery. He was the main khenpo at Dzogchen Monastery and became the teacher of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye, who received from him a commentary on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, the bodhisattva vows, and numerous other teachings.

[178]:

Dzogchen Khenpo Pema Dorje [rdzogs chen mkhan po pad ma rdo rje] was a 19th century master who studied with Gyalse Zhenpen Thaye, the fourth Dzogchen Rinpoche, and Khenchen Sengtruk Pema Trashi. He was a classmate of Paltrül Rinpoche and one of the foremost khenpos of Dzogchen Monastery. For biographical notes see Masters of Meditation, page 200.

[179]:

mdo mkhyen brtse ye shes rdo rje

[180]:

śrī siṃha bshad grva, śrī siṃha chos grva.

[181]:

mkhan po; skr. upādhyāya. A khenpo must have kept the prātimokṣa vows himself flawlessly for at least ten years in a central country such as India, and for five years in a border country such as Tibet, in order to pass them on to someone else. He must be learned in all monastic ceremonies and be knowledgeable in all aspects of the vinaya, the monastic discipline. For a detailed explanation see Buddhist Ethics, pages 44-46.

[182]:

sdom pa; skr. saṃvara

[183]:

so thar; skr. prātimokṣa

[184]:

’dul ba; vinaya

[185]:

paṇḍita

[186]:

Buddhist philosophy and the sciences are part of what is commonly known as the ten sciences [rig gnas bcu], which are subdivided into the five greater sciences and the five lesser sciences. The five greater sciences [rig gnas che ba lnga] comprise the science of arts [bzo rig gnas], medical science [gso ba’i rig gnas], the science of linguistics [sgra’i rig gnas], the science of logic [gtan tshigs kyi rig gnas], and the inner sciences of Buddhist philosophy, ‘esoterics’ [nang don rig pa]. The first four of these sciences are also called the ’four common sciences’ [thun mong gi rig gnas bzhi]. The five lesser sciences [rig gnas chung ba lnga] consist of poetics [snyan ngag], synonymics [mngon brjod], prosody [sdeb sbyor], drama [zlos gar], and astrology [skar rtsis]. To be learned in the inner sciences means that one is learned in both sūtra and tantra.

[187]:

According to Śrī Siṃha tradition, a student is allowed to receive the monk vows [dge tshul gyi sdom pa] from the age of sixteen years. Note that lay people and nuns were not allowed to study at Śrī Siṃha Shedra.

[188]:

According to Śrī Siṃha tradition, a student is allowed to receive the vows of a fully ordained monk [dge slong gyi sdom pa] from the age of twenty.

[189]:

mdzad rim

[190]:

Khenpo Chöga received his training at Śrī Siṃha Shedra shortly after the end of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), when the teaching of Buddhism was again permitted in Tibet. He studied for ten years the five major and five minor sciences. He began teaching as a khenpo at Śrī Siṃha Shedra in the late 1980s. Due to the special situation prevailing in Tibet at the time and his great intelligence, he was made khenpo before he completed the traditional seventeen-year study period.

[191]:

mkhen chen khri pa

[192]:

The monastic discipline at Dzogchen Monastery is enforced by four disciplinarians [dge skos bzhi], by two secret informants [tho rdzi gnyis], and by 24 monastic servants [lha g.yog gnyis bcu rtsa bzhi].

[193]:

Bimonthly poṣadha ceremonies are held either at Śrī Siṃha Shedra or at Dzogchen Monastery. According to the Illuminator, poṣadha [gso sbyong] literally means “healing and purifying” or “repairing and purifying.” It is the name of the principal ceremony conducted by ordained Buddhist monks and nuns in order to purify the breakage of vows and restore the purity of ordination.

[194]:

spyod ’jug mchod pa / spyod rgan ma

[195]:

mkhan khri yid bzhin nor bu

[196]:

Dzogchen Khenpo Pema Dorje [rdzogs chen mkhan po pad ma rdo rje] was a 19th century master who studied with Gyalse Zhenpen Thaye, the fourth Dzogchen Rinpoche, and Khenchen Sengtruk Pema Trashi. He was a classmate of Paltrül Rinpoche and one of the foremost khenpos of Dzogchen Monastery. For biographical notes see Masters of Meditation, page 200.

[197]:

lta srung gnyis: dpe cha lta dang tshul khrims srung

[198]:

bka’ shog

[199]:

rig pa’i gnas lnga bshad mkhan

[200]:

mkhas dbang / mkhas pa’i dbang po

[201]:

mkhan chen

[202]:

rig pa’i gnas lnga’i bstan bcos

[203]:

The Paṇḍita from Katog [kaḥ thog gi paṇḍita] Gertse Mahāpaṇḍita Kunkhyen Gyurme Tsewang Chogdrup [dge rtse mahā paṇḍita kun mkhyen ’gyur med tshe dbang mchog grub] (born in 1761).

[204]:

Zhechen Öntrül Gyurme Thubtob Namgyal [zhe chen dbon sprul ’gyur med mthu stobs rnam rgyal] (1787-?) was the teacher of Kongtrül Lodro Thaye. Thubtob Namgyal also studied with khenpos from the Dzogchen Monastery.

[205]:

mdzad rim

[206]:

gzhung chen bcu gsum

[207]:

Paltrül Rinpoche had also received teachings from Sengtruk Pema Trashi.

[208]:

Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu [dbon u rgyan bstan ’dzin nor bu], also known as Urgyen Tenga [u rgyan bstan dga’], was a cousin [tsha bo] of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye. He studied with Paltrül Rinpoche and also with Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye.

[209]:

rgya bskung mkhan po gzhan dga’

[210]:

mchan ’grel

[211]:

rig gnas

[212]:

gzhung chen bcu gsum

[213]:

rgyud

[214]:

rdzogs chen

[215]:

mkhas sgrub gnyis

[216]:

Every day one student must recapitulate the previous day’s lesson before the entire class. Each student must roll up a piece of paper with his name written on it, and the khenpo will choose a student by drawing a name card. This procedure is called ’drawing the name cards’ [rtags dril ’phen]. Advanced students who have joined the science classes have to write a daily synopsis based on the textbooks and oral teachings [dpe brjod bris]. Through this the teacher can check the students’ understanding and writing skills. A final written examination [yid tshad / yig rgyugs] is held after the first section of nine years.

[217]:

During the course of the first two years, students also received commentaries on the dkon mchog rjes dran mdo, rgyal sras lag len, and sdom gsum. To receive a commentary on the dkon mchog rjes dran mdo is considered to be a very auspicious beginning [rten ’brel] for any new student.

[218]:

spyod ’jug

[219]:

Among the ‘thirteen great textbooks’, this refers to the Prātimokṣa-sūtra [so sor thar pa’i mdo] and the Vinaya-sūtra [‘dul ba mdo rtsa ba].

[220]:

Among the ‘thirteen great textbooks’, the madhyamaka [dbu ma] textbooks refer to the Prajñā-nāma-mūla-madhyamaka-kārika [dbu ma rtsa ba shes rab], the Madhyamakāvatāra [dbu ma la ’jug pa], and the Catuḥśataka-śāstra-kārikā-nāma [bstan bcos bzhi brgya pa]. Together with the madhyamaka textbooks the students also study logic [tshad ma].

[221]:

Among the ‘thirteen great textbooks’, the cittamātra [sems tsam pa] refers to the Sūtrālaṃkāra [mdo sde rgyan]. After this text, the students study the Madhyānta-vibhaṇga (kārikā) [dbus mtha’ rnam ’byed].

[222]:

Among the ‘thirteen great textbooks’, the prajñāparamitā refers to the Abhisamayālaṃkāra [mngon rtogs rgyan]. This text condenses the entire meaning of the extensive, medium and short prajñāparamitā-sūtras. It is said that merely reciting the Abhisamayālaṃkāra carries the same merit as reciting all the extensive, medium and short prajñāparamitā-sūtras. After this text the students study the Dharma-dharmatā-vibhaṇga-kārikā [chos dang chos nyid rnam par ’byed] and the Uttara-tantra [rgyud bla ma].

[223]:

Among the ‘thirteen great textbooks’, the abhidharma refers to the Abhidharma-koṣa-kārikā [chos mngon pa’i mdzod] and the Abhidharma-samuccaya [chos mngon pa kun las btus pa].

[224]:

’jam dpal mtshan brjod

[225]:

rgyud gsang ba snying po

[226]:

For biographical notes on Sakya Paṇḍita Kunga Gyaltshen [sa skya paṇḍita kun dga’ rgyal mtshan] (1182-1251) see mkhas btsun bzang po Vol. X, 137ff; Luminous Lifes, pages 159-169.

[227]:

go ram pa bsod nams seng ge (1429-1489).

[228]:

chos grags rgya mtsho (1454-1506).

[229]:

For biographical information on Lord Tsongkhapa Lobzang Drakpa [rje tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pa] (1357-1419) see Leben des Tsongkhapa and Life of Tsong Khapa.

[230]:

?? unknown footnote ??

[231]:

spyod ’jug tshogs pa / spyod ’jug mchod pa / spyod rgan ma

[232]:

gzhung chen bcu gsum: 1) Prātimokṣa-sūtra [so sor thar pa’i mdo], 2) Vinaya-sūtra [‘dul ba mdo rtsa ba], 3) Prajñā-madhyamaka-mūla [dbu ma rtsa ba shes rab], 4) Madhyamakāvatāra [dbu ma la ’jug pa], 5) Catuḥśataka-śāstra [bstan bcos bzhi brgya pa / dbu ma bzhi brgya pa], 6) Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra [spyod ’jug], 7) Sūtrālaṃkāra [mdo sde rgyan], 8) Abhisamayālaṃkāra [mngon rtogs rgyan], 9) Madhyānta-vibhaṇga [dbus mtha’ rnam ’byed], 10) Dharma-dharmatāvibhaṇga [chos dang chos nyid rnam ’byed], 11) Uttara-tantra [rgyud bla ma], 12) Abhidharma-koṣa [chos mngon pa’i mdzod], and 13) Abhidharma-samuccaya [chos mngon pa kun las btus pa]. See The Thirteen Great Treatises.

[233]:

Tripiṭaka, the three baskets [sde snod gsum]: 1) vinaya piṭaka, the basket of monastic discipline [‘dul ba’i sde snod], 2) sūtra piṭaka, the basket of discourses [mdo sde’i sde snod], and 3) abhidharma piṭaka, the basket of higher dharma [mngon pa’i sde snod].

[234]:

Prātimokṣa-sūtra [so sor thar pa’i mdo]

[235]:

Vinaya-sūtra [‘dul ba mdo rtsa ba]

[236]:

Prajñā-madhyamaka-mūla [dbu ma rtsa ba shes rab]. Supplementary textbooks [yan lag] for the Prajñā-nāma-mūla study are the so-called ’Six textbooks in the Collection of Reasoning concerning Madhyamaka’ [dbu ma rigs tshogs drug] written by Nāgārjuna: 1) Prajñā-nāmamūla-madhyamaka-kārikā [dbu ma rtsa ba’i tshig le’ur byas pa shes rab], 2) Vigraha-vyāvartanī-kārikā-nāma [rtsod pa bzlog pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa], 3) Śūnyatāsaptati-kārikā-nāma [stong pa nyid bdun cu pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa], 4) Yuktiṣaṣṭikā-kārikā-nāma [rigs pa drug cu pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa], 5) Vaidalya-sūtra-nāma [zhib mo rnam par ’thag pa zhes bya ba’i mdo], and 6) Rāja-parikathā-ratnāvali [rgyal po la gtam bya ba rin po che’i phreng ba].

[237]:

Madhyamakāvatāra [dbu ma la ’jug pa]

[238]:

Catuḥśataka-śāstra [bstan bcos bzhi brgya pa]

[239]:

Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra [spyod ’jug]

[240]:

byams chos sde lnga: 1) Sūtrālaṃkāra [mdo sde rgyan], 2) Abhisamayālaṃkāra [mngon rtogs rgyan], 3) Madhyānta-vibhaṇga [dbus mtha’ rnam ’byed], 4) Dharma-dharmatā-vibhaṇga [chos dang chos nyid rnam ’byed], and 5) Uttara-tantra [rgyud bla ma].

[241]:

Abhidharma-koṣa [chos mngon pa’i mdzod]

[242]:

Abhidharma-samuccaya [chos mngon pa kun las btus pa]

[243]:

mdo dang mdo rtsa ’dul ba’i sde snod dang / rtsa ’jug bzhi spyod zab mo dbu ma’i tshogs / byams chos sde lnga mdo sde’i sde snod dang / mdzod dang kun btus mngon pa’i sde snod te / sde snod gsum gyi gzhung chen bcu gsum lags /

[244]:

rong zom bka’ ’bum

[245]:

klong chen mdzod bdun

[246]:

Khenpo Yönga [mkhan po yon dga’ / mkhan po yon tan rgya mtsho]. He studied with Paltrül Rinpoche and with Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu.

[247]:

sdom gsum dpag bsam snye ma

[248]:

rgyud bcu bdun

[249]:

snying thig ya bzhi

[250]:

khrid ye shes bla ma

[251]:

At all times Patrül Rinpoche held loving kindness, compassion, and bodhicitta as the very root of spiritual practice. To everyone, high and low, he would say, “Have a good heart, act with kindness; nothing is more important than that.” Quoted from Enlightened Vagabond.

[252]:

From his root guru Jigme Gyalwe Nyugu [‘jigs med rgyal ba’i myu gu] (1765-1843), a direct student of Jigme Lingpa (1730-1798), Paltrül Rinpoche received the entire teachings of the Longchen Nyingthig tradition.

[253]:

For biographical notes on the great treasure revealer Chokgyur Lingpa Dechen Zhigpo Lingpa [gter chen mchog gyur bde chen zhig po gling pa] (1829-1879 / 1870??) see Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, pages 841-848; mchog gling rnam thar 1-3; and Life of Terchen Chokgyur Lingpa.

[254]:

ris med

[255]:

Gyalwe Nyugu [rgyal ba’i smyu gu] (1765-1843) was Paltrül Rinpoche’s main root guru and the teacher from whom he received the teachings of the Longchen Nyingthig tradition. See Masters of Meditation, pages 163-173.

[256]:

Jigme Kalzang [‘jigs med skal bzang] see Masters of Meditation, pages 173-174.

[257]:

See dpal sprul rnam thar, folio 9b4-5.

[258]:

Jigme Ngotshar [‘jigs med ngo mtshar] was a direct student of Jigme Lingpa (1730-1798) as well as a student of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye. Also known as Dola Jigme, Jigme Ngotshar is one of the famous ’four fearless disciples’ [‘jigs med rnam bzhi] of Jigme Lingpa.

[259]:

zhe chen dbon sprul mthu stobs rnam rgyal

[260]:

mkhan po seng phrug pad ma bkra shis, see dpal sprul rnam thar, folio 11b3.

[261]:

rdzogs chen sku phreng bzhi pa mi ’gyur nam mkha’i rdo rje, see dpal sprul rnam thar, folio 11b2.

[262]:

Khenpo Kunpal reports miraculous events each time Paltrül Rinpoche taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, dpal sprul rnam thar, folio 14b6-15a1: “Whenever he taught the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, numerous large yellow flowers appeared which had never before grown in that area. These (flowers) came to be known as ’the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra flowers’ [spyod ’jug me tog].”

[263]:

text section 137-138

[264]:

See bsod nams rtse mo ’grel pa written by the great Sakyapa master Sonam Tsemo [bsod nams rtse mo] (1142-1182).

[265]:

The Genden School [dge ldan pa] refers to the Gelukpa School [dge lugs pa].

[266]:

See dar ṭik written by Gyaltsab Dharma Rinchen [rgyal tshab dharma rin chen] (1362-1432).

[267]:

See gtsug lag ’grel chen written in 1565 by Pawo Tsuglak Trengwa [dpa’ bo gtsug lag phreng ba] (1504-1566).

[268]:

See also a similar explanation of his teaching style of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra in dpal sprul rnam thar, page 17a1-5.

[269]:

Paltrül Rinpoche said that he himself has read the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra more than a thousand times and still gained new insight each time he read or recited the text.

[270]:

See Masters of Meditation, pages 208-209.

[271]:

See dpal sprul rnam thar, folio 6b1: “In the noble land he was Śāntideva and the Mahāsiddha Śavaripa” [‘phags pa’i yul du zhi ba lha dang grub chen sha ba ri]. See also dpal sprul rnam thar, 6b3-4: “Among the emanations of Jigme Lingpa, Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo was known as the body emanation, Paltrül Rinpoche as the speech emanation, and Do Khyentse Yeshe Dorje as the mind emanation” [‘jigs med gling pa’i rnam ’phrul / sku yi sprul pa ’jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po / gsung gi sprul pa dpal sprul rin po che / thugs kyi sprul pa mkhyen brtse ye shes rdo rje yin par grags pa].

[272]:

Sengtruk Pema Trashi [seng phrug pad ma bkra shis] was the first khenpo at Śrī Siṃha Shedra and the teacher of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye [rgyal sras gzhan phan mtha’ yas].

[273]:

spyod ’jug tshogs pa / spyod ’jug cho ga / spyod ’jug mchod pa / spyod rgan ma.

[274]:

dngul chu thogs med bzang po. See dngul chu thogs med ’grel pa.

[275]:

spyod ’jug le’u bzhi ma.

[276]:

See dpal sprul rnam thar, folio 16b4-5: rdza dgon du lo rer spyod ’jug zla khrid gsum re dang.

[277]:

See Masters of Meditation, page 205.

[278]:

See dpal sprul rnam thar, folio 23a1-4, as translated in Enlightened Vagabond: “Formerly, except in large monastic communities, one could hardly find anyone who owned a copy of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra or of any other similar scripture, let alone understanding even their titles. Owing to the very kindness of Paltrül Rinpoche, the whole area became filled with people who would teach or listen to the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra [spyod ’jug], the Five Dharmas of Maitreya [byams chos sde lnga], the Three Sets of Vows [sdom gsum], the Yönten Dzö [yon tan mdzod], and other scriptures. Down to ten-year old monks, many people were able to recite and even teach the whole Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. Countless religious and lay people fully understood that to have a good heart and develop bodhicitta was the very root of the Buddha’s Doctrine.” Khenpo Chöga comments on this passage: “One must exclude the Sakya and Gelukpa Schools from this strong statement by Khenpo Kunpal, since they always maintained an explanation lineage of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra.”

[279]:

Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu [dbon u rgyan bstan ’dzin nor bu], also known as Urgyen Tenga [u rgyan bstan dga’], was a cousin [tsha bo] of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye. He studied with Paltrül Rinpoche and also with Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye.

[280]:

’jigs med bstan pa’i nyi ma (1865-1926).

[281]:

lung rtogs bstan pa’i nyi ma (1829-1901).

[282]:

Thubten Chökyi Drakpa [thub bstan chos kyi grags pa], also known as Minyag Kunzang Sönam [mi nyag kun bzang bsod nams], Paltrül Rinpoche’s foremost student of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra, stayed a long time with Paltrül Rinpoche and wrote down his oral teachings [zhal rgyun]. He wrote three famous commentaries on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra. Paltrül Rinpoche himself said: “Minyag Kunzang is more learned about the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra than myself [spyod ’jug rang las mkhas pa mi nyag kun bzang]. Loter Wangpo is more learned about the abhidharma than myself [mngon pa rang las mkhas pa lo gter dbang po]. Tendzin Trakpa is more learned about pramāṇa than myself [tshad ma rang las mkhas pa bstan ’dzin grags pa]. And Urgyen Tendzin Norbu is more learned about the vinaya than myself [‘dul ba rang las mkhas pa u rgyan bstan ’dzin nor bu].”

[283]:

Khenpo Kunpal or Khenpo Kunzang Palden [mkhan po kun bzang dpal ldan].

[284]:

Khenpo Yönga [mkhan po yon dga’ / mkhan po yon tan rgya mtsho]. He studied with Paltrül Rinpoche and with Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu.

[285]:

Mipham Rinpoche [mi pham rin po che] (1846-1912).

[286]:

This is quoted from text section 135 of Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary.

[287]:

See foot-note 230.

[288]:

See dpal sprul zhal rgyun.

[289]:

See kun dpal ’grel pa (si khron mi rigs edition) page 815.

[290]:

byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa’i tshig ’grel ’jam dbyangs bla ma’i zhal lung bdud rtsi’i thig pa, here refered to as kun dpal ’grel pa. Khenpo Kunpal wrote this commentary at Paltrül Rinpoche’s residence, the dharma camp of Gegong [dge gong chos sgar], requested by Kathok Situ Chökyi Gyatso [kaḥ thog situ chos kyi rgya mtsho] (1880-1925), Gyurme Thegchok Shedrub Gyaltsen [‘gyur med theg mchog bshad sgrub rgyal mtshan], who was a tulku from Yilung Tsashül monastery [yid lhung rtsa shul dgon], and Zhechen Gyaltsab Gyurme Pema Namgyal (1871-1926). See kun dpal ’grel pa (si khron mi rigs edition), pages 813-815.

[291]:

See dpal sprul zhal rgyun

[292]:

See spyod ’jug sgom rim and spyod ’jug sa bcad.

[293]:

See text section 135-136.

[294]:

See dpal sprul zhal rgyun.

[295]:

bka’ gnas

[296]:

See kun dpal ’grel pa (zhe chen edition); kun dpal ’grel pa (si khron mi rigs edition); kun dpal ’grel pa (Yeshe De edition); and kun dpal ’grel pa (sangs rgyas bstan ’dzin edition).

[297]:

Khenpo Zhenga or Zhenphen Chökyi Nangwa [gzhan phan chos kyi snang ba] (1871-1927).

[298]:

See gzhan dga’ mchan ’grel.

[299]:

thub bstan chos kyi grags pa, also known as mi nyag kun bzang bsod nams, was born in the 19th century.

[300]:

See mi nyag kun bzang ’grel chen, mi nyag kun bzang sher ’grel 1 and mi nyag kun bzang sher ’grel 2. An English translation of mi nyag kun bzang sher ’grel 1 has been made by the Padmakara Translation Group, see Two Buddhist Commentaries.

[301]:

From Enlightened Vagabond, op cit.

[302]:

spyod ’jug bsgom rim

[303]:

spyod ’jug brgyud ’debs

[304]:

See text sections 196-197 from Khenpo Kunpal’s commentary.

[305]:

rtsa’i sa bcad

[306]:

byang chub kyi sems rin po che ma skyes pa bskyed par byed pa’i le’u

[307]:

byang chub sems kyi phan yon bshad pa’i le’u

[308]:

sdig pa bshags pa’i le’u

[309]:

byang chub sems yongs su gzung ba

[310]:

byang chub kyi sems rin po che skyes pa mi nyams par byed pa’i le’u gsum

[311]:

bag yod

[312]:

shes bzhin

[313]:

bzod pa

[314]:

byang chub kyi sems rin po che mi nyams par gong du spel ba’i le’u gsum

[315]:

brtson ’grus

[316]:

bsam gtan

[317]:

shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa

[318]:

de ltar spel ba’i ’bras bu gzhan don du bngo ba’i le’u gcig

[319]:

bsngo ba

[320]:

See spyod ’jug sa bcad

[321]:

Vollkommenheit im BCA, pages 45-59.

[322]:

For details on the three promulgations of the wheel of dharma see Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, pages 154-155.

[323]:

bka’ dang po bden bzhi’i chos ’khor

[324]:

bka’ bar pa mtshan nyid med pa’i chos ’khor

[325]:

bka’ tha ma legs pa rnam par phye ba’i chos ’khor

[326]:

mdo

[327]:

sngags

[328]:

gsang sngags rdo rje theg pa

[329]:

gsang sngags kyi chos ’khor

[330]:

Skr. trikāya: dharma-kāya [chos sku]; saṃbhogakāya [longs sku]; and nirmāṇakāya [sprul sku].

[331]:

sangs rgyas kyi ye shes kyi sku

[332]:

zab mo lta ba’i srol

[333]:

rgya chen spyod pa’i srol

[334]:

’jam dpal dbyangs

[335]:

shes rab gyi pha rol tu phyin pa; skr. prajñāparamitā

[336]:

zab mo stong pa nyid

[337]:

klu sgrub

[338]:

’Six textbooks in the Collection of Reasoning concerning Madhyamaka’ [dbu ma rigs tshogs drug] written by Nāgārjuna: 1) Prajñā-nāma-mūla-madhyamaka-kārikā [dbu ma rtsa ba’i tshig le’ur byas pa shes rab], 2) Vigraha-vyāvartanī-kārikā-nāma [rtsod pa bzlog pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa], 3) Śūnyatāsaptati-kārikā-nāma [stong pa nyid bdun cu pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa], 4) Yuktiṣaṣṭikā-kārikā-nāma [rigs pa drug cu pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa], 5) Vaidalya-sūtra-nāma [zhib mo rnam par ’thag pa zhes bya ba’i mdo], and 6) Rāja-parikathā-ratnāvali [rgyal po la gtam bya ba rin po che’i phreng ba].

[339]:

zab mo lta ba’i skor

[340]:

zab mo lta ba’i brgyud pa / zab mo lta brgyud

[341]:

yul stong pa nyid shes rab gyi pha rol tu phyin pa

[342]:

yul can ye shes shes rab gyi pha rol tu phyin pa

[343]:

sa bcu dang lam lnga

[344]:

thogs med

[345]:

byams chos sde lnga: 1) Sūtrālaṃkāra [mdo sde rgyan], 2) Abhisamayālaṃkāra [mngon rtogs rgyan], 3) Madhyānta-vibhaṇga [dbus mtha’ rnam ’byed], 4) Dharma-dharmatā-vibhaṇga [chos dang chos nyid rnam ’byed], and 5) Uttara-tantra [rgyud bla ma].

[346]:

rgya chen spyod brgyud

[347]:

rgya chen spyod pa’i skor

[348]:

lta spyod zung ’jug gi brgyud pa

[349]:

nyams len byin rlabs kyi brgyud pa

[350]:

Khenpo Chöga comments, “Although Śāntideva had many visions of his meditation deity, Mañjuśrī, this lineage in no way implies that Śāntideva had received the teachings of the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra directly from Mañjuśrī. Rather, the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra is a mnemonic poem written by Śāntideva, synthesizing all the sūtras and śāstras he had studied.”

[351]:

sdom pa len tshul

[352]:

The traditional yan lag bdun pa is enlarged into yan lag brgyad pa through adding going for refuge, as follows: 1) The section on presenting offerings [mchod pa ’bul ba’i yan lag], 2) the section on paying respect [phyag ’tshal ba’i yan lag], 3) the section on going for refuge [skyabs su ’gro ba’i yan lag], 4) the section on confessing negativities [sdig pa bshags pa’i yan lag], 5) the section of rejoicing [rjes su yi rang ba’i yan lag], 6) the section of requesting to turn the wheel of dharma [chos ’khor bar bskul ba’i yan lag], 7) the section of supplicating not to enter into nirvāṇa [mya ngan las mi ’da’ bar gsol ba ’debs pa’i yan lag], and 8) the section of dedicating the merit for the benefit of others [dge rtsa gzhan don du sngo ba’i yan lag].

[353]:

sems bksyed ’bogs chog

[354]:

See byang sdom blang chog. For further discussion on the ritual of receiving the bodhisattva vows in the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra see Ritual der Entschlussfassung.

[355]:

See sems bskyed ’bogs chog by Paltrül Rinpoche.

[356]:

dbu ma’i lugs

[357]:

sems tsam lugs

[358]:

spyod ’jug tshogs pa / spyod rgan ma

[359]:

This ritual arrangement according to Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye and Paltrül Rinpoche has been printed at Dzogchen Monastery but was not available to the author. A similar text according to Paltrül Rinpoche’s tradition as maintained at the Kyangma hermitage was recently published by Khenpo Thubten in India. See mthong ba brgyud pa’i phyag srol.

[360]:

See bu ston ’grel chen, pages 600-602. This colophon has been discussed and analysed by Akira Saito in Bu ston and the sPyod ’jug, pages 79-85.

[361]:

man ngag gi legs bshad brgyud pa

[362]:

dze ta ri

[363]:

zla grags chung ba

[364]:

ku na ya śrī

[365]:

bal po ka na ka śrī

[366]:

su ma ti kirti

[367]:

rngog blo ldan shes rab

[368]:

khyung rin chen grags

[369]:

stod lung rgya dmar

[370]:

phyva ba chos seng / phyva ba chos kyi seng ge

[371]:

gro lung pa

[372]:

gtsang dkar

[373]:

Trophu Lotsawa Jampe Pal [khro phu lo tsā ba byams pa’i dpal] was a direct student of Tsangkarpa [gtsang dkar pa].

[374]:

kha che paṇ chen śākya śrī

[375]:

paṇḍita buddha śri jñāna

[376]:

bal po’i paṇḍita deva śrī

[377]:

bla ma bsod nams rgyal ba

[378]:

mkhan po gzhon nu rdo rje

[379]:

tshad ma’i skyes bu

[380]:

See lam rim bla brgyud

[381]:

byang chub lam gyi rim pa

[382]:

Gene Smith mentions in Among Tibetan Texts, page 228, that the early Kadampa masters included the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra among the ‘six basic texts of the Kadampa School’ [bka’ gdams gzhung drug], which are: 1) the Sūtrālaṃkāra [mdo sde rgyan] of Maitreya, 2) the Bodhisattva-bhūmi [byang chub sems dpa’i sa] of Asaðga, 3) the Śikṣā-samuccaya [bslab btus] of Śāntideva, 4) the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra [spyod ‘jug] of Śāntideva, 5) the Jātakamālā [skyes pa’i rabs kyi rgyud] of Āryaśūra, and 6) the Udāna-varga [ched du brjod pa’i tshoms].

[383]:

Dīpaṃkaraśrī [dpal mar me mdzad] or Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna [dpal mar med mdzad ye shes] or Jobo Je Palden Atiśa [jo bo rje dpal ldan a ti śa] are names of Atiśa (982-1054).

[384]:

See lam rim bla brgyud, page 290.

[385]:

blo gros mi zad pa, an epithet for Śāntideva.

[386]:

slob dpon e la dha ri (ti)

[387]:

slob dpon dpa’ bo rdo rje

[388]:

byang chub sems dpa’ chen po rin chen dpal

[389]:

mgon po gser gling pa

[390]:

The Old Kadampa School [bka’ gdams rnying ma] began with Atiśa and the New Kadampa School [bka’ gdams gsar pa] with Tsongkhapa. The New Kadampa school is also called the Gendenpa [dge ldan pa] or Gelukpa School. The Old Kadampa School has again two lineages: the lineage of textbooks of the Kadampas [bka’ gdams gzhung pa], lam rim bla brgyud, pages 475-576; and the lineage of oral instructions of the Kadampas [bka’ gdams gdams ngag pa], lam rim bla brgyud, 576-end. There is also the lineage of upadeśa of Kadampa [bka’ gdams man ngag pa], which is sometimes given as the third lineage.

[391]:

thob yig, pages 20-21.

[392]:

Reading transmission [lung]: From the earliest periods of instruction in Buddhism, teachings were transmitted orally from teacher to student. When the teachings were eventually written down, this tradition persisted. Before a student can study a sacred text, he must first hear it orally from his teacher. Every text that is read or studied must first be read aloud to the student before he is even allowed to look at it. After this oral recitation, the teacher begins giving the explanation [bshad pa] of the text.

[393]:

byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa’i lung brgyud

[394]:

bslab btus / bslab pa kun las btus pa

[395]:

dze tā ri

[396]:

zla grags chung ba

[397]:

bal po ka na ka pa

[398]:

su ma ti kīrti

[399]:

rngog blo ldan shes rab

[400]:

Zhangtshe Pongwa Chökyi Lama [zhang tshe spong ba chos kyi bla ma] was a direct student of Ngok Loden Sherab.

[401]:

Tsang Nagpa Tsöndrü Senge [gtsang nag pa brtson ’grus seng ge] was a direct student of Chawa Chö Seng [phyva ba chos seng].

[402]:

Trolungpa Lodro Jungne [gro lung pa blo gros ’byung gnas] was a direct student of Atiśa, Dromtön Gyalwe Jungne [’brom ston rgyal ba’i ’byung gnas] (1005-1064) and Ngok Loden Sherab.

[403]:

Chawa Chö Seng [phyva ba chos seng / phyva ba chos kyi seng ge] was the teacher of Sönam Tsemo [bsod nams rtse mo] (1142-1182).

[404]:

dpal ldan gro

[405]:

Chim Chenpo [mchims chen po] or Chim Namkha Dragpa [mchims nam mkha’ grags pa] was a direct student of Palden Tro.

[406]:

ze’u grags brtson

[407]:

Lobzang Trakpa [mchims blo bzang grags pa]

[408]:

bka’ ’gyur ba śākya rgyal mtshan

[409]:

rdo rje gdan pa kun dga’ rnam rgyal

[410]:

bsod nams mchog ldan

[411]:

blo gros thogs med

[412]:

dpal ldan don grub

[413]:

dbang phyug rgyal mtshan

[414]:

ngag dbang rnam rgyal, only mentioned in the lineage of the Śikṣā-samuccaya.

[415]:

tshul khrims bkra shis

[416]:

rin chen rgya mtsho

[417]:

kun dga’ bstan dar

[418]:

sdom brtson kun dga’ dar rgyas

[419]:

gter bdag gling pa ’gyur med rdo rje

[420]:

spyod ’jug brgyud ’debs

[421]:

dze ta ri, an Indian scholar who studied in Śāntideva’s tradition.

[422]:

zla ba grags pa chung ba, a student of Jetāri.

[423]:

gu ṇa śrī [yon tan dpal], a student of Chandrakīrti.

[424]:

ka na ka śrī (or kāṇakaśrī), a student of Guṇa Śrī.

[425]:

A student of Kanakaśrī.

[426]:

rngog blo ldan shes rab

[427]:

slob dpon rje btsun pa who might be identical with Trolungpa [gro lung pa].

[428]:

bu ston rin chen grub

[429]:

thugs sras lo tsā ba, a direct student of Butön.

[430]:

g.yag phrug sangs rgyas dpal, a great scholar of the Sakya school, who wrote a detailed commentary on the Prajñāpāramitā [sher phyin]. His most famous students were Rongtön Mawe Senge [rong ston smra ba’i seng ge chen mo] (1367-1449) and Rendaba Zhönu Lodro [red mda’ ba gzhon nu blo gros] (1349-1412). He is also known under the name g.yag ston or g.yag phrug pa. See also Blue Annals, page 339. See gangs can mkhas grub rim byon ming mdzod, pages 1573-1573.

[431]:

sangs rgyas ’phel, a great Sakya Lama whose teacher was Rongtön Mawe Senge [rong ston smra ba’i seng ge chen mo] (1367-1449), also known as Rongtön Sheja Kunrig Shakya Gyaltshen [rong ston shes bya kun rig shākya rgyal mtshan]. See Blue Annals, pages 339-340.

[432]:

phrin las mi bskyod pa, the eighth Karmapa, Mikyö Dorje [mi bskyod rdo rje].

[433]:

dkon mchog ’byung gnas, the ninth Shamarpa (???).

[434]:

karma chags med.

[435]:

pad ma rig ’dzin, the first Dzogchen Rinpoche.

[436]:

dpon slob nam mkha’ ’od zer

[437]:

theg mchog bstan ’ dzin, the second Dzogchen Pema Rigdzin.

[438]:

bkra shis rgya mtsho

[439]:

rig ’dzin bzang po

[440]:

Khenchen Sengtruk Pema Trashi [seng phrug pad ma bkra shis].

[441]:

rgyal sras gzhan phan mtha’ yas.

[442]:

’jigs med ngo mtshar was a direct student of Jigme Lingpa (1730-1798) as well as a student of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye.

[443]:

Paltrül Rinpoche [dpal sprul ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po].

[444]:

lung brgyud

[445]:

bshad brgyud

[446]:

Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu [dbon u rgyan bstan ’dzin nor bu], also known as Urgyen Tenga [u rgyan bstan dga’], was a cousin [tsha bo] of Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye. He studied with Paltrül Rinpoche and also with Gyalse Zhenphen Thaye.

[447]:

Khenpo Thubten Chökyi Drakpa [thub bstan chos kyi grags pa] was also known as Minyag Kunzang Sönam [mi nyag kun bzang bsod nams].

[448]:

Khenpo Kunpal (1862-1943) had several names, including Gegong Khenpo Kunpal [dge gong mkhan po kun dpal], Kunzang Palden [kun bzang dpal ldan], and also Thubten Kunzang Chödrak [thub bstan kun bzang chos grags].

[449]:

Khenpo Yönga [mkhan po yon dga’ / mkhan po yon tan rgya mtsho] studied with Paltrül Rinpoche and with Ön Urgyen Tendzin Norbu.

[450]:

Dzogchen Khenpo Pema Dorje [rdzogs chen mkhan po pad ma rdo rje] was a 19th century master who studied with Gyalse Zhenpen Thaye, the fourth Dzogchen Rinpoche, and Khenchen Sengtruk Pema Trashi [mkhan chen seng sprugs padma bkra shis]. He was a classmate of Paltrül Rinpoche and one of the foremost khenpos of Dzogchen Monastery. For biographical notes see Masters of Meditation, page 200.

[451]:

Mipham Rinpoche [mi pham rin po che] (1846-1912), also known as Ju Mipham Jamyang Namgyal [‘ju mi pham ’jam dbyangs rnam rgyal], received teachings from Paltrül Rinpoche on the chapter concerning transcendental knowledge and shortly thereafter, in 1878, wrote a commentary to this chapter. See nor bu ke ta ka.

[452]:

Batur Khenpo Thubga [ba thur mkhan po thub dga’] was also known as Khenpo Thubten Chöphel [mkhan po thub bstan chos ’phel]. Along with a group of about one thousand Mongolians, his family had migrated from Mongolia to East Tibet following the visit to Mongolia of the third Dzogchen Pema Rigdzin. In addition to Khenpo Zhenga, Batur Khenpo Thubga also received teachings on the Bodhisattva-caryāvatāra from Khenpo Yönga. As he had studied at Paltrül Rinpoche’s hermitage called Changma Ritrö [lcang ma ri khrod], he was also known as Changmay Khenchen Thubga Yibzhin Norbu [lcang ma’i mkhan chen thub dga’ yid bzhin nor bu].

[453]:

Regarding Khenpo Pentse’s [mkhan po pad ma tshe dbang] education in sūtrayāna, his main root guru [thun mong ma yin pa’i rtsa ba’i bla ma] was Batur Khenpo Thubga. For his education in the teachings of the Great Perfection according to the Longchen Nyingthig tradition, his main root guru was Adzom Drugpa’s son Gyalse Gyurme Dorje [rgyal sras ‘gyur med rdo rje / sras ’gyur dga’]. In 1958 he received from Gyalse Gyurme Dorje the extraordinary oral transmission [thun mong ma yin pa’i snyan brgyud] of the Longchen Nyingthig tradition. During the time when the Chinese suppressed the practice of Buddhism in East Tibet, from the late 1950s until the mid 1970s, Khenpo Pentse was unable to wear robes; pretending to be a lay person, he remained in retreat in his native village, Arik Deba [a rig sde ba], in the district of Arik Dza [a rig rdza] in East Tibet. When the Chinese stopped the persecution of Buddhist practitioners toward the end of the 1970s, Khenpo Pentse again began teaching and was free to wear his robes. Upon the recommendation of Khenpo Thubnor [mkhan po thug nor], Khenpo Pentse was invited in 1982 by Alag Zenkar Rinpoche [a lag gzen dkar rin po che] to teach khenpos at a newly-founded (1980) school for Tibetan studies called Pöyig Lobdra Chenmo [bod yid slob grva chen mo], next to Dzogchen monastery. At the time, this was the only place of study at Dzogchen monastery, since the Śrī Siṃha Shedra had been completely destroyed by the Chinese around 1959. Khenpo Pentse stayed for three years at the Pöyig Lobdra and taught extensively. He then returned to his native village and founded a shedra called Ngedön Shedrub Dargye Ling [nges don bshad sgrub dar rgyas gling] at Phugkhung Monastery [phug khungs bde chen chos ’khor lhun po], his childhood monastery, a sub-monastery [dgon lag] of Zhechen. This shedra became his main residence. At present, 200 monks are studying at this shedra, which has produced many khenpos. Every year Khenpo Pentse used to go for a short period of time to teach both at the Śrī Siṃha Shedra and at Zhechen, where he had also started a shedra. In 2002 Khenpo Pentse passed away at the age of 70/71 at Samye Chimphu [bsam yas mchims phu].

[454]:

gzhan dga’ mchan ’grel

[455]:

rdzogs chen mkhan po thub nor

[456]:

dngul chu thogs med ’grel pa

[457]:

rdzogs chen mkhan po tshe ring nyi ma

[458]:

mkhan po chos rdor

[459]:

phug khungs bde chen chos ’khor lhun po

[460]:

a rig rdza

[461]:

rdzogs chen mkhan po chos dga’

[462]:

mkhan po gso rig

[463]:

sku gnubs ’od zer

[464]:

mkhan po thub bstan snyan grags

[465]:

a khu rdo lo / a khu rdo rje

[466]:

mkhan po u rgyan rig ’dzin

[467]:

The non-sectarian movement [ris med], headed by Jamyang Khyetse Wangpo (1820-1892), Kongtrül Lodro Thaye (1813-1899), Chokgyur Lingpa (1829-1879), Paltrül Rinpoche (1808-1887) and many other great masters, was a movement to counteract sectarianism. These masters, renowned authorities on the teachings of all schools and lineages of Tibetan Buddhism, actively spread the teachings of all schools without any sectarian bias.